Par la richesse de sa documentation, le diocèse de Nebbio nous offre un point d’observation de première importance sur la Corse du Moyen Âge. La place de l’institution épiscopale s’y perçoit particulièrement bien. Les évêques jouaient d’abord un rôle politique et administratif dans la mesure où ils gouvernaient la cité de Nebbio et collectaient des taxes sur le commerce maritime. En cela, ils avaient certainement capté à leur profit une part des pouvoirs de ban des comtes ou des marquis de Corse. Par ailleurs, entre la fin du XIe siècle et le courant du XIIe siècle, ils participaient à la réforme de l’Église sous l’égide du Saint-Siège, laquelle se traduisait par l’édification d’églises piévanes et de la cathédrale Santa Maria de Nebbio et par un effort de formation et de contrôle du clergé local. L’empreinte des évêques des XIIe-XIIIe siècles était d’autant plus forte sur leur diocèse que la plupart était d’origine corse.Cependant, un autre pouvoir s’affirmait au XIIIe siècle : les communautés. Elles s’organisaient selon trois degrés de juridiction. Leur mission consistait à rendre la justice et, par voie de conséquence, à résoudre les conflits. Autrement dit, les institutions communales jouaient un rôle social majeur car elles permettaient la coexistence pacifique de deux groupes sociaux qui s’étaient nettement différenciés au fil du temps : le popolo et les familles seigneuriales. Elles protégeaient, en outre, les biens de l’Église contre les usurpations des grands laïcs.Malgré tout, dans le cours du XIVe siècle, les équilibres sociaux étaient rompus. Il est vrai qu’un seigneur tel que Giovanninello de Loreta montraient des prétentions exorbitantes qui heurtaient les populaires. En sorte qu’en 1357-1358, tous les châteaux du Nebbio étaient détruits, cependant que les Avogari-Gentile se maintenaient dans leurs seigneuries de Nonza et de Canari, au prix de la concession de statuts d’inspiration communale. Les révoltes populaires amenaient aussi l’émergence d’un nouveau groupe social : les caporali. Ces notables se faisaient alors les hérauts du popolo mais, au fil du temps, ils s’en détachaient. Ils adoptaient au XVe siècle un style de vie aristocratique et violent tandis qu’ils prétendaient à un statut social privilégié.Au milieu du XVe siècle, les populaires du diocèse, excédés par les désordres et l’arbitraire générés par les aristocraties seigneuriales ou « caporalices », trouvaient à Saint-Florent un refuge. La cité devenait leur point de ralliement. Ils la développaient grâce aux privilèges que le pouvoir génois, bien implanté dans l’île à partir de la seconde moitié du XVe siècle, leur avait concédés. Cependant, la situation sociale du diocèse de Nebbio se tendait et se dégradait entre la fin du XVe siècle et les années 1540. La population connaissait alors une croissance importante, de sorte que le contrôle des ressources économiques entrainait une vive concurrence mais aussi de grands déséquilibres sociaux. De là, résultaient de nombreuses violences, dont beaucoup étaient le fait des caporali. / By the wealth of its documentation, the diocese of Nebbio offers us a point of observation of first importance on Corsica of the Middle Ages. The place of the episcopal institution perceives itself there particularly well. The bishops played at first a political and administrative role as far as they governed the city of Nebbio and collected taxes on the maritime trade. In that respect, they had certainly got in their profit a part of the powers of the counts or the marquesses of Corsica. Besides, between the end of the XIth century and the current of the XIIth century, they participated in the reform of the Church under the aegis of the Holy See, who was translated by the construction of “piévanes” churches and the cathedral Santa Maria of Nebbio and by an effort of formation and control of the clergy. The imprint of the bishops of the XIIth and XIIIth centuries was all the stronger on their diocese as most were of Corsican origin.However, another power asserted itself in the XIIIth century: communities. They got organized according to three degrees of jurisdiction. Their mission consisted in returning the justice and, consequently, in solving the conflicts. In other words, the municipal institutions played a major social role because they allowed the peaceful coexistence of two social groups which had clearly differed over time: the popolo and the seigneurial families. They protected, besides, the properties of the Church against the usurpations of the big laymen.Nevertheless, in the course of the XIVth century, the social balances were broken. It is true that a Lord such as Giovanninello de Loreta showed exaggerated claims which struck the popular. So that in 1357-1358, all the castles of Nebbio were destroyed, however when Avogari-Gentile remained in their seigneuries of Nonza and Canary, at the price of the concession of statutes of municipal inspiration. The popular revolts also brought the emergence of a new social group: caporali. These notables were then made the heralds of the popolo but, over time, they got loose from it. They adopted in the XVth century an aristocratic lifestyle whereas they aspired to a privileged social status.In the middle of the XVth century, the popular of the diocese, irritated by the disorders and the arbitrary power generated by seigneurial aristocracies or by caporali, found to Saint-Florent a refuge. The city became their assembly point. They developed it thanks to the privileges which the Genoese power, implanted well on the island from the second half of the XVth century, had granted them. However, the social situation of the diocese of Nebbio tightened and degraded between the end of the XVth century and 1540’s. The population knew then an important growth, so that the control of the economic resources caused a keen competition but also of big social imbalance. From there, resulted numerous violence. Many were the fact of caporali.

Ma thèse constitue une étude de l'épiscopat byzantin à une période charnière de l'histoire de l'Empire. Les évolutions de l'épiscopat s'articulent autour de la conception de l'autorité des évêques, qu'ils fondent désormais davantage sur leur compétence intellectuelle. Le recrutement d'une partie importante de l'épiscopat parmi le clergé lettré de Constantinople modifie la représentation de leur autorité, qui ne repose pas exclusivement sur la grâce reçue lors de l'ordination et le pouvoir d'ordre. La formation poussée des évêques et les relations qu'ils maintiennent avec leurs amis intellectuels de la capitale ont des conséquences sur l'exercice de leur pouvoir dans leur diocèse. L'absentéisme des évêques étant limité, les prélats ont pris leur rôle au sérieux en dépit de l'opposition grandissante entre la capitale, dont ils sont issus, et les provinces, où ils officient. Les évêques ont mis en œuvre leur compétence intellectuelle, littéraire, théologique et juridique pour gouverner leurs fidèles, défendre les intérêts de leur diocèse et participer au synode permanent à Constantinople. Les liens avec l'aristocratie constantinopolitaines, matérialisés dans les correspondances, sont apparus cruciaux pour le bon exercice du gouvernement épiscopal. L'épiscopat ne résiste cependant pas à l'ensemble de ses contradictions, notamment celle entre les provinces et la capitale. Leur gouvernement est toujours susceptible d'être contesté aussi bien par les aristocrates, les moines ou les simples fidèles. / My dissertation studies the Byzantine episcopate at a crucial period in the history of the Empire. The evolutions of the episcopate revolve around the conception of the bishops' authority, which was based on their intellectual competence. The recruitment of a large part of the bishops among the literate clergy of Constantinople modifies the representation of their authority, which does not rest exclusively on the grace received during their chrismation and the power of order. The advanced intellectual training of the bishops and the relations they maintain with their friends living in the capital have consequences for the exercise of power in their diocese. The bishops' absenteeism being limited, the bishops took their role seriously in spite of the growing opposition between the capital from which they came and the provinces where they held their office. The bishops have implemented their intellectual, literary, theological and legal competence to govern their faithful, defend the interests of their diocese and participate in the pe1manent synod in Constantinople. The links with the Constantinopolitan aristocrats, materialized in the correspondences, appeared crucial for the good exercise of the episcopal government. The episcopate, however, does not resist ail its contradictions, especially that between the provinces and the capital. Their government is always liable to be contested by aristocrats, monks or lay people alike.

Qui décide dans l’Eglise ? La réponse semble facile : ce sont les évêques, investis de l’ « autoritas » et de la « potestas » par la succession apostolique. Or, parce que l’Eglise est une institution complexe, ce travail tente d’aller plus loin et d’appréhender une institution ecclésiale dans sa dynamique et de rendre compte du jeu des influences et des interactions dans la prise de décision. Au sein du service national de la catéchèse, structurée en trois organismes (Commission épiscopale, commission nationale et centre national de l’enseignement religieux), le processus de prise de décision est dans les mains des fonctionnaires. Instituée progressivement entre 1941 et 1951, « arme » du mouvement catéchétique pour imposer son désir d’adapter la pédagogie du catéchisme, cette administration de la catéchèse à l’échelle nationale prépare la décision, construit le consensus et s’assure de la bonne réception d’une décision, certes toujours adoptée en Assemblée plénière de l'épiscopat. Bien que par nature l’Eglise catholique ne soit pas démocratique, il semble que le processus de décision implique une participation de tous les acteurs et un relatif partage du pouvoir. Durant les années 1958-1973, ce service d’Eglise est aux prises avec la « crise catholique ». Il lui faut adapter son message aux évolutions d’une société qui s’enrichit et s’individualise, alors que l’autorité est contestée et les institutions remises en cause, dans le contexte d’une désaffection silencieuse mais néanmoins massive des Français. Et l’étude d’une administration de l’Eglise de France témoigne de la diffusion par capillarité de cette crise tant chez les fidèles que chez des clercs en proie à un questionnement existentiel. / Who is in charge of decision-making in the Catholic Church ? The answer seems obvious: the bishops are, for they are entrusted with the « autoritas » and the « potestas », according to apostolic authority. But because the Catholic Church is a complex institution, this study wants to further examine and analyse an ecclesiastical organization in its dynamics so as to account for the role played by influence and interaction in the decision-making process. Within the National Office for Catechesis, itself composed of three structured bodies (the Episcopal Commission, the National Commission and the National Center for Religious Education), the process of taking decisions lies primarily in the hands of administrative officials. Between 1941 and 1951, this administration for catechesis was progressively set up by the catechetical movement as a weapon to enforce its wish to adapt the way catechism is taught. On a national scale, this administration aims at preparing the decisions, building up agreement around them and making sure they will be widely accepted. These decisions are then adopted by the General Assembly of the Conference of Catholic Bishops. In a Catholic Church which by definition is non democratic, this decision-making process allows participation from all actors as well as some degree of power-sharing. Between 1958 and 1973, this Church office had to cope with the crisis of the French Catholic Church. At a time when authority was disputed and institutions challenged, with the French silently but massively withdrawing from religious practice, it had to adapt its message to a changing society, wealthier but also more individualistic. The study of a French Church administration shows the diffusion of this crisis, not only among the catholic faithful but also among the clergy, whose members appear to be under growing existential questioning.

No description available.

A tese estuda a participação do episcopado brasileiro no Concílio Vaticano II, convocado einaugurado pelo Papa João XXIII (1959-1963), continuado e concluído por Paulo VI (1963-1965): etapa antepreparatória (1959-1960), com as respostas (vota) dos bispos e prelados à consulta romana; etapa preparatória, com os trabalhos nas comissões preparatórias (1960-1962) e etapa conciliar, nos seus quatro períodos, com as intervenções na Aula Conciliar ou depositadas por escrito (1962-1965). Analisa outros aspectos da vida e atividades do episcopado brasileiro em Roma: local de moradia e trabalho; pontos de apoio; inserção nas redes de articulação formadas antes e durante o Concílio; promoção das assim chamadas Conferências da Domus Mariae, Mensagens ao povo brasileiro; elaboração do Plano de Emergência da Igreja do Brasil (PE –1962) e encaminhamento da recepção do Concilio, com o Plano de Pastoral de Conjunto (PPC - 1965). Conclui com a prosopografia de todos os bispos e prelados brasileiros que tiveram direito, nem sempre exercido, de participarem das diversas etapas do Concílio; a bibliografia e um caderno iconográfico. / The thesis studies the participation of the Brazilian episcopate in the Second Vatican Council, convoked and inaugurated by Pope John XXIII (1959-1963), continued and concluded by Paul VI (1963-1965): the pre-preparatory phase (1959-1960), with the replies (vota) of the bishops and prelates to the Roman consultation; the preparatory phase, with the work done in the preparatory commissions (1960-1962) and the conciliar phase, with its four periods, and with the interventions in the Plenary Sessions of the Council or submitted in writing (1962-1965). The thesis also analyses other aspects of the life and activities of the Brazilian episcopate in Rome: where the bishops stayed, where they found support; how they were linked into the various net-works that were formed before and during the Council; the promoting of the events that went under the title of the Domus Mariae Conferences, of the Messages to the Brazilian People; the elaboration of the Emergency Plan for the Church in Brazil (PE – 1962) and the steps taken to ensure the reception of the Council, with the Joint Pastoral Plan (PPC – 1965). It finishes with a prosopography of all the Brazilian bishops and prelates who had the right, not always exercised, of participating in the various stages of the Council; a bibliography and iconography.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-04-22T22:18:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2008-10-07 / Este trabalho nasceu com o objetivo de verificar a relação Igreja e Estado no século XIX, e dentro desse contexto procurou enfatizar o processo de Romanização da Igreja frente à modernidade que passava a se configurar. Analisamos o posicionamento da Igreja, que optando por ser mais Romana, respondeu, assim, às transformações oriundas do turbulento mundo moderno. A nível geral a reação da Igreja aparece através do posicionamento firme dos Papas Ultramontanos, de Pio IX a Pio XI, que utilizando um novo instrumento, as encíclicas, combatem abertamente o que consideram como distorção dos valores religiosos e ao mesmo tempo conclamam seus Bispos, padres e fiéis espalhados pelo mundo a se unirem e fortalecerem com um posicionamento mais romano, a fé católica. No Brasil focalizamos a ação dos Bispos reformadores, que contra o Padroado do Império brasileiro, travaram a Questão Religiosa, levando à prisão Dom Antônio de Macedo e Dom Vital e alterando consideravelmente as relações entre Igreja e Estado, que contribuiu para o enfraquecimento do Império no Brasil. E finalmente, chegamos à implantação da Diocese de Manaus, que já nasce romanizada dentro do novo cenário político do Brasil, a República. Portanto, enfrenta desde os seus primeiros passos grandes desafios para se firmar e responder fielmente às diretrizes romanas. Olhamos para a Diocese através da ação dos seus três primeiros administradores episcopais: Dom Lourenço Aguiar; Dom Frederico Costa e Dom Irineu Joffily. E com o intuito de adentrar e compreender a vivência religiosa nesse contexto romanizante, buscamos apresentar a ação das Congregações Religiosas e a receptividade do Laicato para com a Romanização.

Co-tutelle de thèse Université Paris I Panthéon-Sorbonne / Université Libre de Bruxelles, sous la direction conjointe de Michel KAPLAN (Université Paris I Panthéon-Sorbonne) et de Jean-Marie SANSTERRE (Université Libre de Bruxelles) L’épiscopat constitue un fondement essentiel mais méconnu de l’Église mésobyzantine. Malgré la relative rareté des sources, il est possible d’en retracer l’histoire et les grandes évolutions : une part importante de l’hagiographie de l’iconoclasme et post-iconoclaste concerne en effet métropolites et évêques, témoignant du lien fort existant entre ceux-ci et le peuple des cités dont ils ont la charge, particulièrement quand ils sont considérés saints par la population. De nombreuses sources épistolaires, ecclésiastiques et sigillographiques, émanant des évêques eux-mêmes, permettent d’approcher les réalités du corps épiscopal et celles de la société provinciale qu’il représente auprès des autorités centrales. L’évêque apparaît également comme le relais des volontés impériale et patriarcale dans les provinces de l’Empire. Dans un contexte de compétition de pouvoir avec les autorités locales, l’évêque tente ainsi d’imposer le sien propre, dans ses aspects spatiaux, sociaux, religieux et symboliques. L’approche collective et les approches individuelles de l’épiscopat doivent permettre de comprendre les réalités sociales d’un Empire de plus en plus centré sur sa capitale et dont sont progressivement détachées, du moins dans les sources, les périphéries. Une histoire décentrée de l’Empire byzantin passe dès lors par des études régionales mais aussi par des études consacrées à des groupes sociaux enracinés dans tout l’Empire, surtout lorsque, comme les évêques, ils revendiquent la spécificité de leur région et leur attachement à une société provinciale qui constitue le socle de l’Empire. / The episcopate is an essential structure of the middle-Byzantine Church ; however, it remains little known. Although sources are limited, its history and evolution can still be reconstructed, as a large portion of the iconoclastic and post-iconoclastic hagiography deals with metropolitans and bishops. The sources reveal the strong connection between bishops and the inhabitants of the cities under their responsibility, especially when the population considers them as saints. Numerous epistolary, ecclesiastic and sigillographic documents issued by bishops themselves partially unveil the realities of the episcopal group and the provincial society that bishops represent to the central authorities. The bishop also serves as relay of both imperial and patriarchal wills to the provinces of the Empire. Competing with local authorities, the bishop thus tries to impose his own influence in its spatial, social, religious and symbolic dimensions. Both collective and individual approaches of the episcopate make the social realities of the Empire more understandable, as it becomes more and more focused on its capital city while its peripheries gradually move away, which documentation seems to imply. Regional studies, but also studies focused on social groups established across the whole Empire, are the fundamentals of a decentred history of the Byzantine Empire. This is especially true since social groups such as bishops claim the specificity of their regions and their link to a provincial society that represents the cornerstone of the Empire.

In recent years a controversy has arisen in the scholarship dealing with St. Anselm of Canterbury. Since R. W. Southern published his biography of Anselm, his views have been widely accepted. In his view, Anselm was a devout monk who spent his life contemplating, with clear insight, profound theological issues. Forced to accept the Archbishopric of Canterbury, Anselm was never content with his responsibilities and longed to return to the simple life of a monk. The result was that Anselm blundered his way through conflicts with the Kings of England, William Rufus and Henry I. Because of his inability to handle himself in political spheres, Anselm was forced into exile twice. Within the last decade, however, Sally N. Vaughn has challenged Southern's prevailing views with a re-examination of the sources. In her opinion, Anselm was an astute politician who determined, early on, that he was destined to be Archbishop of Canterbury. Vaughn tries to show that Anselm carefully orchestrated events so that he was in fact elected to the position. Sally Vaughn's Anselm is very different from the contemplative monk of Southern's book. The controversy now centres on whether or not a devout contemplative monk could also be an astute politician while still maintaining an other-wordly detachment. This is the view of Eadmer, Anselm's companion and first biographer. Southern and Vaughn's views, while defensible from the sources, both fail to recognise, unlike Eadmer, the compatibility of vocations as an archbishop and a monk. This thesis will re-examine the sources--Eadmer's biographies and Anselm's writings--to show that Eadmer's view is the correct one. Anselm clearly transferred his intellectual powers into his monastic vocation and from there used his principles as a guiding force of his episcopacy.

Dissertation (J.C.D.) -- Gregorian University, Rome. / Bibliography: p. 87-89.

Thesis (J.C.L.)--Catholic University of America, 1994. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 69-81).