La Bosnie-Herzégovine est sous supervision internationale depuis 1995. Les principaux acteurs de cette communauté internationale soit l’Union Européenne (UE) et le Bureau du Haut-Représentant à la Communauté Internationale (OHR) ont exprimé à de nombreuses reprises leur intention de transformer la mission internationale en s’éloignant du pouvoir discrétionnaire du OHR en le remplaçant par la perspective d’intégration offerte par l’UE. Malgré les bonnes intentions, cette transition semble être dans une impasse. Depuis 2006, l’organisation et la distribution des responsabilités au sein de la communauté internationale sont restées inchangées. Ce mémoire s’intéresse à ces deux principaux acteurs et à leur rôle dans l’impasse. L’objectif est de tester trois cadres d’analyse soit le rationalisme, le constructivisme et la complexité des régimes pouvant expliquer cette impasse. En se basant sur des interviews avec des experts et des représentants des deux institutions, ce mémoire explore dans quelle mesure et dans quels contextes chaque cadre d’analyse est apte à expliquer le comportement des acteurs. / Bosnia and Herzegovina has been under international supervision since 1995. Key actors in the international community namely the Office of the High Representative (OHR) and the European Union (EU) have expressed a desire to change the focus of this mission from one led by the OHR to one led by the EU. Despite the strong will of the international community to carry out this transition, it seems to have reached a deadlock. In the last few years, the arrangement of the international community has remained unchanged. This thesis focuses on these two main actors in this transition and their responsibility in the deadlock. This thesis tests three frameworks in order to explain this deadlock, specifically rationalism, constructivism, and regime complexity. Drawing on interviews with experts and officials working in the European Union and in the Office of the High Representative, this thesis explores the suitability of these frameworks for explaining these actors’ behaviours.

This study is a qualitative interview study that examines antagonism, identity and collective memory among second generation immigrants from Bosnia & Herzegovina. The study is based on an existential history use-perspective and social constructivist socialization theory. The study shows that the Bosniak identity is seldom defined by their history and the Yugoslavian wars but rather by language and traditions. In addition, the results indicate that the Bosniak identity has been assimilated to a large extent into the Swedish majority culture. The results also show that antagonism against other ethnic groups in the Balkans mainly occurs among first-generation immigrants while the descendants do not relate to a large extent to the war crimes and atrocities that occurred against Bosnian Muslims. Instead, they express empathy and sympathy for their parents’ experiences of these traumas. The respondents also experienced a nonchalance towards their background in Swedish history teaching where their history was neglected in favor of other wars and genocides. While the respondents suspected a fear of conflict among teachers to account for the area, they also told examples when teachers failed in the relational pedagogy and homogenized the individuals by letting them represent an entire conflict and ethnic group. Overall, the study shows that the use of history is not a recurring phenomenon among second-generation Bosniak immigrants, and their attitude focuses on individuals rather than groups. In the didactic part of the study, the results emphasize that history teachers might need to self-educate based on the students' background to create a meaningful education and create a history awareness among students.

The aim of this Master thesis is to identify the specifics of non-governmental organization Doctors Without Borders (Médecins Sans Frontières) as an actor of international relations, mainly through the presentation and activities of the organization during the implementation of its programs in the early 1990s, when the process of internationalization was consolidated. The thesis also covers the issue of respecting the commitment to shared values for which Doctors Without Borders claim responsibility, and which also represents the principles of their activities. Based on the theoretical framework of actorness, it is possible to compare three missions of Doctors Without Borders implemented during the internal state conflicts in Somalia, Rwanda and Bosnia and Herzegovina. The analysis shows that during this period, Doctors Without Borders is characterized by a strong national identity of particular sections, in that we can see the strong national features of the French, Belgian and Dutch sections, which often behaved contradictorily and incoherently. The commitment to respect the shared values is fulfilled with one exception, namely the obligation to respect the neutral status.

Diploma thesis "Reflection of National Identities in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the Discussion of NATO Membership" is a discourse analysis focusing on the socio-political environment in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the perspective of discussion over possible accession to the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation. The first part of the thesis begins by an overview of the history of NATO engagement in the conflicts in the former Yugoslavia, followed by a summary of current NATO relations with the countries of Western Balkans, specifically with Bosnia and Herzegovina. Special regard is given to national identities and their role in the conduct of the country's foreign policy. The second part of the thesis is dedicated to examining the current political debate. It seeks to understand how national identity shapes the discussion over the accession to the organisation. Specifically, through discourse analysis, it aims to identify the tools employed in the political debate and the impact it has on the overall political environment of the country.

This thesis is a qualitative study focusing on the situation that has evolved in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) from the beginning of 2018, when migrants and refugees started entering the country in large numbers in the context of the so-called Balkan route. The approach adopted in the thesis is informed by critical studies emphasizing the asymmetries entailed in the emerging multilevel governance of migration. The European Union (EU), the BiH state, IOM, civil society, activists, and citizens, are inserted in a “situational map” presenting their inter-relations, and the potential of each to influence the situation of concern. This thesis analyses in details the role of the EU, which is implementing in BiH its security-informed approach to irregular migration through externalization and multilevelling strategies. Eight semi-structured interviews allow the investigation into the potential and challenges of a “governance from below”. The main argument of this thesis is that the EU, outsourcing its strategy to curb irregular migration to BiH, fails to address the humanitarian crisis that is developing there, besides mining the stability and democracy of the country.

Peace processes have been slow to recognise women, which is later reflected in the political landscape of the post-conflict society. Researchers have emphasised that the post-conflict setting many times constitutes a greater challenge for women than men as they face more vulnerability and insecurity in forms of domestic violence and being excluded from the formal peace processes. This is the case for Bosnia and Herzegovina, which is still facing difficulties both socially, politically and economically due to the civil war at the beginning of the 1990s. For instance, the country is facing major economic difficulties, which have contributed to high unemployment rates which is especially affecting women and the youth. Thereby this study which is based on eight qualitative semi-structured interviews explores how young women with tertiary education in Bosnia and Herzegovina experience their participation in the post-conflict setting, and what out-looks they have on their future in relation to the predominant gender order. Through the thematic analysis and by using a theoretical framework related to “Conflict, Gender, Ethnicity and Post-Conflict Reconstruction” and “gender order” their experiences were analysed. The results of this study show that although the young women experienced that they could participate in society, all of them experienced obstacles related to politics and gender traditional expectations of women. Their outlooks were relatively positive as they recognised several opportunities to fulfil their dreams due to education. Moreover, the majority of them wanted to stay in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The post-conflict setting is affecting the entire population, however, young women are further affected by the gender order. Ultimately, the patriarchal gender order which is heightened in the post-conflict setting is impacting these young women’s participation and outlooks, which limits their prospects. However, through their participation and how they conduct themselves, they are opposing the place they have been given in the gender order. / Fredsprocesser har varit långsamma med att erkänna kvinnor, vilket senare har återspeglats i det politiska landskapet i samhället efter en konflikt. Forskare menar på att tiden efter en konflikt många gånger utgör en större utmaning för kvinnor än för män, eftersom de är mer sårbara och ofta möter olika former av våld i hemmet samt utesluts från de formella fredsprocesserna. Det här är fallet för Bosnien och Hercegovina, som fortfarande står inför svårigheter både socialt, politiskt och ekonomiskt på grund av inbördeskriget i början av 1990-talet. Landet står exempelvis inför stora ekonomiska svårigheter, vilket har bidragit till den höga arbetslösheten som särskilt drabbar kvinnor och ungdomar. Mot bakgrund av det här undersöker studien, som baseras på åtta kvalitativa semi-strukturerade intervjuer, hur unga kvinnor med högre utbildning i Bosnien och Hercegovina upplever sitt deltagande i det post-konfliktsamhälle som de lever i, hur deras framtidssyn ser ut och hur de förhåller sig till den nuvarande genusordningen. Genom tematisk analys och användningen av ett teoretiskt ramverk relaterat till “Konflikt, genus, etnicitet och post-konfliktrekonstruktion” och ”genusordning” analyserades deras erfarenheter. Resultatet av studien visar att de unga kvinnorna upplevde att de kunde delta i samhället men också att de kände vissa hinder, relaterade till politik och de traditionella könsrollerna som finns i samhället. Samtidigt var de ungas syn på framtiden relativt positiv, då de ansåg att det fanns många möjligheter för dem att uppfylla sina drömmar eftersom de hade studerat. Många av dem ville stanna i Bosnien och Hercegovina. Miljön som är i ett post-konfliktsamhälle påverkar hela befolkningen dock är unga kvinnor extra utsatta, då de också är påverkade av den regerande genusordningen. Den nuvarande patriarkala genusordningen som ofta kulminerar i ett post-konfliktsamhälle begränsar de unga kvinnornas deltagande, vilket påverkar deras tankar om framtiden. Dock, genom sitt deltagande och agerande i samhället sätter de sig emot den plats som de har tilldelats i genusordningen.

In the face of the ‘refugee crisis’ and increased irregular migration flows, EU member states have taken up extraterritorial actions to address their migration problems. This thesis introduces three critical notions; the modern state, the agency of the third states and the agency of the migrant, to create an inclusive framework prior to analysing EU’s extraterritorial management of migration. It then explores the EU’s extraterritorial management of migration by investigating the EU’s relations with four different non-EU states, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Libya, Morocco and Turkey. Throughout the analysis power imbalances between the EU and third states and issues of state sovereignty are brought up. It is argued that the third states see their agency diminished as a result of the EU’s border reaffirmation attempts. Border reaffirmation is done through offshoring responsibility and accountability by providing financial aid and other forms of support to third states. As a result of this form of offshoring, agency of migrants and refugees are also diminished as they have limited agency over their destination and see their rights being abused in the processes of extraterritorialisation of migration management. This thesis underlines the mismatches between the EU’s commitments to human and refugee rights and their actions of extraterritorialisation.

Cooking and Dining in Times of War and Peace: Changing Contexts and Modes of Food Production, Preparation and Consumption in Srebrenica, Bosnia and Herzegovina Mgr. Markéta Slavková Abstract (English) This project opens up the topic of armed conflict and subsequent post-conflict development in the Former Yugoslavia from a non-traditional perspective - that of the anthropology of food. At the centre of attention there stand the ways in which the production, preparation and consumption of food were and are carried out in Srebrenica, BiH in the context of the dramatic changes that the region has undergone over the last few decades. Food is the precondition of reproduction, a primary form of interaction with the world, a mediator of socialization, a sign of identity and social cohesion but also a tool of power. In this sense, Farquhar notes that the "mantra" 'You are what you eat,' continues to be thematized by social sciences (Farquhar, 2006: 146). On the other hand, the question of the relationship between social actors and their "daily bread" in conditions of starvation and overall material scarcity in wartime has not been satisfyingly answered. This project, based on long-term ethnographic fieldwork, addresses these issues more closely, affording greater insight into them.

Bc. Karel Höfer Komparativní volební inženýrství v postjugoslávském prostoru KP IPS FSV UK Diplomová práce ABSTRACT The thesis deals with the topic of electoral engineering and electoral design in the Post- Yugoslav area. It can be classified within social sciences as a part of political science, specifically as a part of comparative political science and electoral studies. The subject of this thesis is electoral design and electoral engineering. Its cases are political and electoral systems in the Post-Yugoslav area up to 2012. The importance of this topic consists in the fact that it is not entirely explored topic. On that account it deserves attention from both empirical and theoretical perspective. The research of electoral design and electoral engineering is one of the most promising courses of contemporary political science. The Post-Yugoslav area offers an ideal environment for comparative political science in general and comparative approach due to its common historical and institutional grounds, but different political and institutional development after the disintegration. The primary objective of this work is the comparison of electoral design and electoral engineering in the Post-Yugoslav area. An important component of this work is also original and comprehensive theoretical framework for a...

This thesis deals with the topic of the current Wahhabi movement in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The aim of this thesis is to assess the size of the movement, its ties with militant Islamist groups, financing, relations with the majority of the Bosnian society and the extent of potential security threat posed by the Bosnian Wahhabis. Due to the prevailing view of most sources dealing with the topic through the prism of security studies, the analysis focuses apart from security segment on political and economic areas. The study set independent, intermediate and dependent variables in order to verify an assumption that the influence and the scope of Wahhabi movement in Bosnia and Herzegovina is on a wane, and despite the presence of several thousand of Wahhabis, it neither poses a significant threat to social order nor development of the country. The findings indicate that financial involvement of foreign Islamic actors in the Bosnian Wahhabi movement is limited. Political instability together with socio-economic difficulties of certain groups of the Bosnian society do no lead to the growth of the Wahhabi community, however, they belong among factors which can potentially contribute to an increase of Islamic radicalisation in the country.