The purpose of this thesis is to determine whether western Orust was continuously inhabited during the Stone Age and the Bronze Age. Using reports from the archaeological excavations carried out in Nösund in western Orust as a basis, I discuss what conclusions can be drawn, relating, when possible, the findings to what we, thanks to analyzes of fossil DNA made in recent years, now know about ancient peoples’ descent. The results show that there is no basis for claiming that Nösund has been continuously inhabited under the Mesolithic, despite archaeologists having located and dated half a dozen settlements from the Stone Age and the Bronze Age in the village. The findings from the various archaeological surveys do not allow us to determine the descent of the people living in Nösund during different time-periods, nor whether they were mainly fishermen or hunters. The main reason for this is the absence of organic materials, especially bones, in the findings from Nösund. The conclusion therefore is that much more research has to be done, if we are to provide a comprehensive picture of the earliest settlements in western Orust. / Denna uppsats har syftet att visa huruvida västra Orust varit kontinuerligt bebodd under stenålder och bronsålder. Utgångspunkten har varit rapporterna från de arkeologiska grävningar som utförts i Nösund, och resultaten därifrån diskuteras med utgångspunkt från de nya kunskaper om människors härstamning som de senaste årens analyser av fossilt DNA har gett oss. Resultatet av undersökningen visar att vi inte har underlag för att påstå att Nösund har varit kontinuerligt bebodd under mesolitikum, trots att man lokaliserat och daterat ett halvt dussin boplatser i Nösund från stenålder och bronsålder, och att kunskapen om vad som skedde under neolitikum och bronsålder är ännu mer bristfällig. Fynden från de olika arkeologiska undersökningarna är inte heller av en kvalitet som gör att vi kan uttala oss vilken härstamning människor som bott i Nösund under olika perioder har haft, eller om de huvudsakligen varit fiskare eller jägare. Den största bristen är frånvaron av fynd av organiska material, särskilt ben, i Nösund.

<p>Mounds of fire-cracked stones is a typical Bronze Age monument for the region around lake Mälaren. They are usually, because of their content, interpreted as piles of rubbish. But as they often have kerbs, are situated on cemeteries and sometimes contain human bones, the traditional interpretation is not fully satisfactory.</p><p>The main focus of this essay is on the mounds of fire-cracked stones which contain human bones in the region north of lake Mälaren. With a detailed study of these, and a comparison with those without human bones, my aim is to get closer to an explanation why the human bones were deposited. The essay consist of a comp­ilation  of 98 excavated mounds and a database with various information gathered from excavation reports and archive documents.</p><p>With different kinds of osteological aspects taken in consideration, the study shows that human bones have been found in about a third of the mounds. The mounds with human bones more often have kerbs. The same types of artefacts are found both in mounds with and without human bones. A significant difference is that the mounds with human bones contain more categories of artefacts and sometimes even bronze. The study also shows that there is nothing that indicates that the bones were deposited after the primary use of the mound. The human bones could therefore had been deposited contemporary to the “rubbish”. To understand this phenomenon I strongly believe that the mounds no longer only can be interpreted as heaps of garbage.</p>

<p>This essay focuses upon the Kivik monument and its conservation difficulties, since its discovery at 1748 until modern time. The Kivik monument is found in southeast of Scania, and dated within the Bronze Age period. The perspective of the conservation on the monument has merely been on the monuments inner cist of stone and the rock carvings on the cist-slabs. When the monument was first archaeological examined at 1931, its sizeable cairn (75 m in diameter) had almost vanished and the cist was sheltered by a casing of concrete and metal roof. Between 1932 and 1933 the monument has undergone a large-scale restoration, and this criticized restoration resulted in a low antiquarian value with the responsible authority. With a low antiquarian value, the protection of ancient monuments by national laws is nearly none and the interest by responsible authority is insignificantly. This has lead to substandard preservation of the monument and its surrounding area. By comparing the Kivik monument with the monument Ales stones, who undergone equal restorations, I discovered that Ales stones is still considered an intact ancient monument with a high antiquarian value with the responsible authority and therefore in a good state of preservation. This is probably a result of that the restorations of the Kivik monument contain none authentic material as concrete and its museological construction, which Ales stones is not and therefore perceived as a genuine ancient monument.</p>

<p>On the island of Gotland in the Baltic sea there have been 18 archaeological find of bronze swords and five finds of bronze miniature swords and they have been dated to the bronze age periods II-VI. They have been found as ritual hoard offerings, as treasure hoards and in graves. These finds will be put in relation to each other and the bronze age landscape they have been found in. The purpose of this is to see if there is a pattern to be seen, if a specific sword-type can be found in a grave or hoard or if there’s a pattern to be seen in there placement in the landscape relating to other bronze age sites. The question of who used the sword during the bronze age will also be asked, followed by a discussion of gender, gender roles and power on Gotland during the bronze age.</p>

During the Nordic Bronze Age, houses were not exclusively connected with profane contexts, but did also feature in burial places, a peculiar fact when considering the careful separation of settlements and graves. What kind of houses do we find in these sacred contexts? What did these houses stand for? Why was the house symbolism chosen to accompany the dead? And why did the house symbolism flourish during the Nordic Bronze Age? To answer these questions three representatives for the house symbolism in Sweden are discussed in more detail, such as the burial in longhouses, peculiar houses called cult houses and house urns. Further, the phenomenon has been put in its temporal, geographic, social and ideological context, where aspects such as trade and settlement structure are presented. The house symbolism is, however, not confined to northern Europe. Through comparison with contemporary parallels in southern Europe and ethnohistoric analogies different possible viewpoints are detected.

Mounds of fire-cracked stones is a typical Bronze Age monument for the region around lake Mälaren. They are usually, because of their content, interpreted as piles of rubbish. But as they often have kerbs, are situated on cemeteries and sometimes contain human bones, the traditional interpretation is not fully satisfactory. The main focus of this essay is on the mounds of fire-cracked stones which contain human bones in the region north of lake Mälaren. With a detailed study of these, and a comparison with those without human bones, my aim is to get closer to an explanation why the human bones were deposited. The essay consist of a comp­ilation  of 98 excavated mounds and a database with various information gathered from excavation reports and archive documents. With different kinds of osteological aspects taken in consideration, the study shows that human bones have been found in about a third of the mounds. The mounds with human bones more often have kerbs. The same types of artefacts are found both in mounds with and without human bones. A significant difference is that the mounds with human bones contain more categories of artefacts and sometimes even bronze. The study also shows that there is nothing that indicates that the bones were deposited after the primary use of the mound. The human bones could therefore had been deposited contemporary to the “rubbish”. To understand this phenomenon I strongly believe that the mounds no longer only can be interpreted as heaps of garbage.

Bronze Age cairns have been interpreted as everything from navigation marks to marking liminal places in the landscape. It has also been stated that the main purpose of their location is to be visible. This is something that has been taken for granted. The main problem is the cairns have been considered as a homogenous monument. With the help of digital methods like GIS it is possible to test this kind of questions in quantitative way. The viewshed analysis is a good way to do this. The main focus of this thesis is the question whether the Bronze Age cairns in Tjustbygden, north-east in the county of Småland, are located to be visible in the landscape. Further, the question of whether the size of the monument has something to do with good visibility is dealt with. The result of the analysis is then discussed in relation to phenomenology and ritual phenomena, such as rock art sites.

This essay focuses upon the Kivik monument and its conservation difficulties, since its discovery at 1748 until modern time. The Kivik monument is found in southeast of Scania, and dated within the Bronze Age period. The perspective of the conservation on the monument has merely been on the monuments inner cist of stone and the rock carvings on the cist-slabs. When the monument was first archaeological examined at 1931, its sizeable cairn (75 m in diameter) had almost vanished and the cist was sheltered by a casing of concrete and metal roof. Between 1932 and 1933 the monument has undergone a large-scale restoration, and this criticized restoration resulted in a low antiquarian value with the responsible authority. With a low antiquarian value, the protection of ancient monuments by national laws is nearly none and the interest by responsible authority is insignificantly. This has lead to substandard preservation of the monument and its surrounding area. By comparing the Kivik monument with the monument Ales stones, who undergone equal restorations, I discovered that Ales stones is still considered an intact ancient monument with a high antiquarian value with the responsible authority and therefore in a good state of preservation. This is probably a result of that the restorations of the Kivik monument contain none authentic material as concrete and its museological construction, which Ales stones is not and therefore perceived as a genuine ancient monument.

On the island of Gotland in the Baltic sea there have been 18 archaeological find of bronze swords and five finds of bronze miniature swords and they have been dated to the bronze age periods II-VI. They have been found as ritual hoard offerings, as treasure hoards and in graves. These finds will be put in relation to each other and the bronze age landscape they have been found in. The purpose of this is to see if there is a pattern to be seen, if a specific sword-type can be found in a grave or hoard or if there’s a pattern to be seen in there placement in the landscape relating to other bronze age sites. The question of who used the sword during the bronze age will also be asked, followed by a discussion of gender, gender roles and power on Gotland during the bronze age.

The aim of this bachelor essay is to study the relation between stone ship settings in Sweden and the symbols occurring on rock carvings, picture stones and metalworks. Are the stone ship settings meant to make the final journey for the dead over to the other side? And serve as a link between our world and the land of the dead? By comparing the theories and interpretations of different scientists and archaeologists I will analyze the different findings and forms of the stone ship settings. The mythology tells tales of the importance of the ship, that it drags the sun from left to right during the day and during the night it goes down under water at the horizon, usually accompanied by animals like horses, fish and snakes. This could be why the direction of the stone ship settings are generally southwest towards northeast, because the sun seems to be at its highest point towards south. A general discussion will be performed during this essay, and to view other archaeologist’s interpretations and research to find answers to what stone-ship settings stands for.