This thesis attempts to marshall sufficient evidence in support of the contention that the Federal Government, notwithstanding the constitutional barriers that may exist, is actively engaged in providing certain forms of 'education for Canadian adults'. Terms have been defined. Among these the employment of the term 'education for adults' in place of 'adult education' is significant in that it attempts to circumvent unnecessary ambiguities. Such terms as 'agencies of cultural diffusion,' 'formal education for adults' and 'informal education for adults' have also been defined. Techniques employed to amass the information required have been explained. A close examination of the methods employed in giving Federal financial assistance is conducted. The recipients of such aid include: departments of the Federal Government, agencies of the Federal Government, Federal-Provincial cooperative arrangements, voluntary associations and individuals. Chosen as more detailed examples of Federal aid in support of 'formal education for adults' are the Technical and Vocational Training Programs and the University Grants System. Some questions raised by this study include: 1. Are the activities engaged in to be termed 'education'? 2. Does the Federal Government provide organized education for adults? 3. Do the activities presently engaged in by that Government take place because of popular demand? 4. Does the Federal Government give leadership within the broad terms of this inquiry, or conversely, does it indulge in expedients to meet currently stated public demands? 5. Does the B.N.A. Act block constructive thinking about Federal assistance to education? Certain basic trends that support the conclusions given have been recognized from the many examples of Federal involvement in this field. The conclusions arrived at by the analysis are: first, that a 'prima facie' case has been established in support of the contention that the Federal Government is actively engaged in providing certain forms of 'education for Canadian adults'; second, that in many cases there is a deliberately-arrived-at plan to do this; third, that those activities enjoy the popular support of most Canadians; fourth, that the Government initiates these schemes after the wisdom of such proposed action has been mooted by commissions of inquiry; fifth, that Federal leadership is far too reluctant in admitting that it so acts, and that if it did acknowledge that it was engaged in providing education for adults, it could do a more efficient job; finally, that the expression 'informal education for adults' does not constitute 'organized provision' of education. Two recommendations formulated from these findings are: 1. That Section 93 of the B.N.A.Act should be reworded. 2. That a nominal Federal 'per capita' grant be made to support: a. university extension work b. organized informal education for adults, to be channelled through the Canadian Association for Adult Education to national voluntary associations. / Education, Faculty of / Graduate

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Social movements are an understudied aspect of Canadian society. This thesis is an attempt to address this general lacuna by examining the social movement efforts of Canadian cultural nationalists during the 1960s and 1970s, as they struggled to build a strong, vibrant Canadian cultural community. Four social movement based questions guide the analysis. First, why did the Canadianization movement begin when it did? Second, how did the movement transform itself for long-term survival? Third, what kinds of mobilizing structures did the movement make use of, and what influence did these structures have on the movement's activities? And finally, how did the movement maintain itself in times when the political and media climate was unreceptive? This thesis addresses these questions with the combined use of data collected from archival sources as well as twenty-two interviews. The case of Canadianization permits us to empirically document the actions that organizational intellectuals take in pushing for social and cultural change, an aspect of the social movements literature that, until now, has been largely only theorized about.

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This study compares how English and French Canadian intellectuals viewed American society from 1891 to 1945. During the period under study, the Dominion experienced accelerated industrialization and urbanization, massive immigration, technological change, and the rise of mass culture. To the nation's intellectuals, many of these changes found their source and their very embodiment in the United States. America, it was argued, was the quintessence of modernity, having embraced, among other things, secularism, democracy, mass culture, and industrial capitalism. / In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Canadian hostility to the United States and continental integration was expressed in two conservative discourses: that of English Canadian imperialism and French Canadian nationalism. Despite their fundamental divergence on the national question; both imperialists and nationalistes shared an essentially antimodern outlook, and anti-Americanism was their logical point of convergence. / By contrast, the most passionate Canadian defenders of American society could be found among liberal and socialist intellectuals like F. R. Scott and Jean-Charles Harvey. They saw continental integration and Canadian-American convergence as both inevitable and desirable. Intellectual continentalism reached its summit of influence during the 1930s and 1940s. / The present study is based on the analysis of some 520 texts found essentially in the era's periodical literature. Each, at least in part, explores some aspect of American life or of the relationship between Canada and the United States. Unlike most previous scholarship, which has tended to view anti-American sentiment merely as an expression of Canadian nationalism, this study is more concerned with Canadian intellectuals as thinkers on the left, the right, and the centre. / The comparative, pan-Canadian nature of this study reveals that English and French Canadian intellectuals shared common preoccupations with respect to the United States. However, the tone and emphasis of their commentary often differed. In English Canada, where political institutions and the imperial bond were viewed as the mainstays of Canadian distinctiveness, writing on the United States tended to deal primarily with political and diplomatic issues, in Quebec, where political institutions were not generally viewed as vital elements of national distinctiveness, social and cultural affairs dominated writing on the United States.

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