This diploma thesis examines the image of Hong Kong's pro-democracy protests in 2019 in the Czech and Chinese media. The framing of these protests in selected media is compared using the method of quantitative content analysis, with the aim of revealing similarities and differences both between the individual Czech media in the context of the Czech public debate on China and between the Czech and Chinese media. The theoretical part of this thesis presents the concepts of media theory such as framing, agenda setting and social construction of reality and characterizes the specifics of given media systems. Furthermore, the work describes the previous findings of the protest paradigm, which are then employed in analytical part of this study. At the same time, the concept of soft power with Chinese characteristics and its specific manifestations in the efforts of the People's Republic of China to influence the Czech public debate on China is introduced. The methodological part then presents the research goal, research questions and hypotheses, defines the research sample and the research method used, including the characteristics of individual variables. The analytical part of the work presents the results of the research, which are then discussed in the framework of previous findings of the protest...

Cette recherche propose à l’aide d’analyses quantitatives et qualitatives de mettre en lumière les rôles des médias chinois locaux dans le processus d’intégration des immigrants chinois à la société québécoise. Nous avons soutenu l’hypothèse à l’effet que les médias chinois construisent une nouvelle identité - sino-québécoise - qui fait plus qu’adapter l’héritage chinois aux valeurs québécoises et vice versa. Cette identité, en partie imaginée et créée par les médias chinois, remplit une fonction positive et réagit de façon constructive à travers l’information qu’ils fournissent, les activités qu’ils organisent et les stratégies d’intégration qu’ils utilisent afin que leurs lecteurs puissent bien s’adapter et s’intégrer à la société d’accueil. Ces rôles de fonction peuvent se traduire comme suit : un formateur, une plate-forme économique, un intermédiaire dans une société multiculturelle et un animateur de la communauté. La recherche comporte 1) une analyse quantitative du contenu de trois hebdomadaires chinois et d’un quotidien anglophone de Montréal accompagné; 2) une analyse qualitative du traitement de certaines nouvelles; 3) et quelques entrevues avec des informateurs professionnels des médias chinois de Montréal. / This research proposes by using quantitative and qualitative analyses, to highlight the role of the local Chinese media in the process of integration of immigrants into Québec society. We support the hypothesis that the Chinese media has built a new identity- Sino-Québécoise- which does more than adapt the Chinese heritage to Québec values and vice versa. This identity, in part, imagined and created by the Chinese media, fulfills a positive function and reacts in a constructive manner via the information they furnish, the activities that they organize and the integration strategies that they use so that their readers can adapt well and integrate themselves into their new culture. These roles can translate as follow: a trainer, an economic platform and an intermediary in a multicultural society as well as an animator for the community. We will proceed by analysing the quantitative content of the three Chinese publications and one Anglophone publication from Montréal; we are also including a qualitative analysis of news that treats different subjects. As well, we will conduct interviews with professionals regarding the Chinese media in Montréal.

論文摘要 本研究主要以探討在洛杉磯地區的華文媒體中的女性新聞工作者之勞動經驗 與流動因素，以深度的訪談法共訪問美國南加州洛杉磯地區35 位華裔女性新聞工作者，並由女性角度的觀點切入、並結合參與觀察法探討在海外的少數媒體生態中的工作經驗、以及針對走入家庭的女性工作者，嘗試深入瞭解影響她們在面臨工作與家庭的衝突時所作的抉擇及規劃的背後主因。 研究發現，在洛杉磯華文媒體的特殊生態、報導取材、新聞製作及分配， 使女性新聞工作者在新聞產製上佔有優勢。而華裔女性的性別特質，如富有同理心的的刻板印象，使她們在與受訪者建立關係、以及採訪軟性新聞和撰寫上受到重視。在勞動經驗中，許多電視媒體的女性新聞工作者須面臨美感勞動的實踐及適應。 除了語言適應問題和移民身份問題外，許多華裔女性新聞工作者曾遭遇性騷 擾的困境。雖然美國在立法保護及執行上相當徹底，但因國籍背景、文化融入和合法需留權的不同，華裔女性新聞工作者在面對性騷擾問題時，會作出不同的反應及抵抗策略。影響華裔女性新聞工作者流動的因素可分為工作環境、個人因素、及家庭因素。而因美國政策與教育制度對家庭主婦的肯定、職場生態對於婦女再就業給予支持、和家庭結構的不同與經濟因素的考量，使在美的華裔女性新聞工作者，選擇回歸家庭的自主性意願高。 / Abstract This research primary discusses the working experience and labor turnover of the Chinese female journalists in Los Angeles Chinese news industry. The research utilized semi-structured Interview method to interview thirty-five Chinese female journalists in greater Los Angeles area. Through the female’s point of views, observation of work experience in oversea minority media; we will discuss the influence and reasoning of decision when they encounter conflict from their career and family. The research revealed that female journalist have an advantage over male in the news production industry due to the Los Angeles Chinese media special ecological, reports drawn, news production and distribution. Chinese women gender traits, such as stereotype of sympathy will enable them to establish bonding with the interviewee easier, as well as advantage in soft news interviews and editing. In the labor experience, many women television journalists have to face with "aesthetic labor" practices and adaption. Beside the language barrier and immigrant status, many Chinese female journalists have been suffered sexual harassment. Although United States legislature has a sufficient system for protection and enforcement; however, due to the nationality background, cultural integration and the residence right difference, many Chinese female journalists are not able to fight back when they are suffering from sexual harassment. They have to react with different strategy and approach. Generally speaking, working Environment, personal factors, and family factors are three main categories influencing Chinese female Journalists job turnover. On the other hand, United States political policy and education system supports homemaker reemployment. Depends on the economic considerations and family structures; Chinese female journalists Are willing to leave their jobs and stay at home instead.

Cette recherche propose à l’aide d’analyses quantitatives et qualitatives de mettre en lumière les rôles des médias chinois locaux dans le processus d’intégration des immigrants chinois à la société québécoise. Nous avons soutenu l’hypothèse à l’effet que les médias chinois construisent une nouvelle identité - sino-québécoise - qui fait plus qu’adapter l’héritage chinois aux valeurs québécoises et vice versa. Cette identité, en partie imaginée et créée par les médias chinois, remplit une fonction positive et réagit de façon constructive à travers l’information qu’ils fournissent, les activités qu’ils organisent et les stratégies d’intégration qu’ils utilisent afin que leurs lecteurs puissent bien s’adapter et s’intégrer à la société d’accueil. Ces rôles de fonction peuvent se traduire comme suit : un formateur, une plate-forme économique, un intermédiaire dans une société multiculturelle et un animateur de la communauté. La recherche comporte 1) une analyse quantitative du contenu de trois hebdomadaires chinois et d’un quotidien anglophone de Montréal accompagné; 2) une analyse qualitative du traitement de certaines nouvelles; 3) et quelques entrevues avec des informateurs professionnels des médias chinois de Montréal. / This research proposes by using quantitative and qualitative analyses, to highlight the role of the local Chinese media in the process of integration of immigrants into Québec society. We support the hypothesis that the Chinese media has built a new identity- Sino-Québécoise- which does more than adapt the Chinese heritage to Québec values and vice versa. This identity, in part, imagined and created by the Chinese media, fulfills a positive function and reacts in a constructive manner via the information they furnish, the activities that they organize and the integration strategies that they use so that their readers can adapt well and integrate themselves into their new culture. These roles can translate as follow: a trainer, an economic platform and an intermediary in a multicultural society as well as an animator for the community. We will proceed by analysing the quantitative content of the three Chinese publications and one Anglophone publication from Montréal; we are also including a qualitative analysis of news that treats different subjects. As well, we will conduct interviews with professionals regarding the Chinese media in Montréal.

隨著冷戰結束，美國藉由其強大國力和自身的話語權力，在國際社會爭取自身利益。近年來，由於中國國力日漸強大，開始重視話語權的建構，加上 2008年西藏拉薩「3．14事件」發生時，中國封鎖消息，沒有官方來源的情況下，國外媒體紛紛透過其他管道採訪，出現許多次錯誤報導，讓中國失去主動建立話語權的機會。中國政府當局深知此事傷害中國形象甚尤，為了避免形成所謂「以美國為主的國際話語和國際輿論霸權」以及「傳播美國化」的問題，中國在2009年新疆「7．5事件」中放寬新聞管制，主動提供外國媒體信息，並安排外國記者採訪事宜，使訊息較為透明化，避免世界一邊倒的輿論偏向，企圖獲得中國話語權。 在2009年新疆烏魯木齊「7．5事件」中，中國政府採取不同於過往的處理方式，中國當局記取改善信息發佈制度，事件發生後幾小時內，中國國務院新聞辦公室邀請外國記者到烏魯木齊採訪，安排記者採訪事宜，較諸2008年西藏拉薩「3．14事件」。因此，本研究採取內容分析和論述分析等，透過分析新疆「7．5事件」新聞，試圖了解中國傳媒如何藉由新疆「7．5事件」新聞報導建構中國話語權策略，並以美國《紐約時報》作為論證，檢視中國藉由新疆「7．5事件」建構話語權的成效為何。研究結果發現，《中新社》運用的九項報導策略，在《紐約時報》並沒有提及類似的新聞內容，證明《中新社》的報導策略在《紐約時報》試圖從報導新疆「7．5事件」建構的國際話語權策略，成效有限。 / While Cold War ended, the United States fought for their own interests in the global society through their own national power and discursive power. In recent years, China’s national power has become stronger, and started to focus on discursive power. When 2008 Tibetan unrest happened, China blocked all the information. There is no official source so that the foreign media have to use irregular channels to interview people. There are some error reports in foreign media, so China lost the opportunity to take the initiative to establish the right to speak. Chinese authorities knew that the matter hurt Chinese image severely. In order to avoid the problems so-called “US-based international hegemonic discourse” and “dissemination of Americanization,” China, in July 2009 Urumqi riots, loosened restrictions in media and took initiative to provide information to journalists. Chinese government also arranged some interviews for foreign so that the messages were more transparent to avoid one-sided opinions to gain Chinese discursive power. In July 2009 Urumqi riots, the Chinese government adopted the approach different from the past, which improved information release system. Within a few hours after the incident, China's State Council Information Office invited foreign reporters to Urumqi to do interviews which differed from 2008 Tibetan unrest. Therefore, this study adopts content analysis and discourse analysis etc. to realize how Chinese media constructs Chinese discourse strategies and uses U.S.A. “New York Times” as a proof to view Chinese discourse strategies’ effects through July 2009 Urumqi riots news. The study finds that China News Service uses 9 strategies in reporting Urumqi riots. However, New York Times do not mention the similar coverage. It proved that China News Service use the strategies to construct international discursive power in reporting Urumqi riots, to be limited success.

The thesis explores the evolution of Chinese travel journalism since 1978, the year China launched its economic reforms and opened to the international community and examines its role in facilitating social changes. Discussion is based on texts from the print, television and online media. Four case studies illustrate how Chinese media are influenced by the state, the market and readerships. The central argument of this thesis is that Chinese travel journalism has established itself as a recognised genre of popular journalism due to rapid growth in tourism along with market-driven reforms. Travel journalism has developed within the official media (the Party press), negotiated media (commercially oriented) and flexible (online) media. These divisions promote a range of information, advice and discussion available to travellers and tourists. In the case of the official media, the information is framed by concerns to regulate; in the case of the negotiated media, there is more scope for commercial promotions; the flexible online media allows non-professional participation. As such, the development of travel journalism reflects the evolution of Chinese media from a propaganda institution to a modernising media industry, and more recently, to a platform for personal expression and alternative voices. The government support for the development of the tourism market has been a strong spur for the growth of travel journalism, and the discourses of Chinese modernisation are carried through the popularisation of travel as a subject in the media. Chinese travel journalism provides advice on social conduct for travellers, both in domestic and international situations, and it influences national self-perceptions and international outlook. Developing in the broader context of social, economic and cultural changes, travel journalism provides a valuable gauge for the study of transformations in Chinese society and Chinese lifestyles.

The aim of this paper is to describe which view the Chinese government in connection with the Olympics wants to display for the natural world and analyze if this view coincide with China’s foreign-policy goals. A qualitative content analysis is used. By using the theory of rational choice and a model with three different political approaches I want to examine whether or not the foreign-policy goals of the Chinese regime comport with the view that displays in two major newspapers in China. Since the runoff voting in Moscow in 2001 for the 2008 Olympics the Chinese government has been able to act rational and to compose different strategies to use the Games in Beijing for political propaganda. The analysis show that the governing in China make use of domestic media to put across their political message and some of the most important foreign-policy goals also occur in articles that handle the Olympic Games of 2008.