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  • About
  • The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers to find electronic theses and dissertations. This service is provided by the Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations.
    Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
21

Figurae Fortunaeque: various aspects of Narrative Technique in Apuleius' Metamorphoses

Francis, C. Unknown Date (has links)
No description available.
22

Figurae Fortunaeque: various aspects of Narrative Technique in Apuleius' Metamorphoses

Francis, C. Unknown Date (has links)
No description available.
23

The Emperor and the Roman Elite from Commodus to Maximinus (A.D. 180-238)

Davenport, Caillan James Roderick Unknown Date (has links)
Rome had twelve masters between the years A.D. 180-238, eleven of whom were murdered or killed in battle. The age of the Antonines came to an end with the death of Commodus and four years of divisive civil war. The eventual victor, Septimius Severus, established a new dynasty, but it was short-lived, coming to an ignominious end in a camp on the Rhine. Thus began the era of the soldier emperors. This thesis will argue that the rapid turnover of emperors in these fifty-eight years precipitated a crisis among the Roman elite. Senators and equestrians competed with each other, and with less exalted members of society, such as freedmen, to become members of the emperor’s inner circle. Dio Cassius, a senator who began his Roman History during the reign of Septimius Severus, serves as an effective contemporary witness to the upheavals taking place at court and within society at large. Contrary to the views of scholars such as Crook and Syme, who place great emphasis on the continuity of policy provided by the emperor’s amici, this thesis will demonstrate that there was significant discontinuity at the imperial court. Imperial advisers were not a fixed group retained from reign to reign – instead, each new emperor chose to install his own supporters in key positions in order to put his own stamp on the administration of the empire. This has given rise to a tendency to label some rulers as ‘anti-senatorial’ and others as ‘pro-senatorial’. Even those emperors who executed large numbers of senators, such as Commodus and Septimius Severus, had amici from within the senate whom they trusted and relied upon. The favour bestowed on such senators who formed part of the emperors’ exclusive cabal was a source of continual tension among the Roman elite. The amici formed a heterogeneous group, whose only common link was that they had earned the favour of the emperor of the day.
24

The Emperor and the Roman Elite from Commodus to Maximinus (A.D. 180-238)

Davenport, Caillan James Roderick Unknown Date (has links)
Rome had twelve masters between the years A.D. 180-238, eleven of whom were murdered or killed in battle. The age of the Antonines came to an end with the death of Commodus and four years of divisive civil war. The eventual victor, Septimius Severus, established a new dynasty, but it was short-lived, coming to an ignominious end in a camp on the Rhine. Thus began the era of the soldier emperors. This thesis will argue that the rapid turnover of emperors in these fifty-eight years precipitated a crisis among the Roman elite. Senators and equestrians competed with each other, and with less exalted members of society, such as freedmen, to become members of the emperor’s inner circle. Dio Cassius, a senator who began his Roman History during the reign of Septimius Severus, serves as an effective contemporary witness to the upheavals taking place at court and within society at large. Contrary to the views of scholars such as Crook and Syme, who place great emphasis on the continuity of policy provided by the emperor’s amici, this thesis will demonstrate that there was significant discontinuity at the imperial court. Imperial advisers were not a fixed group retained from reign to reign – instead, each new emperor chose to install his own supporters in key positions in order to put his own stamp on the administration of the empire. This has given rise to a tendency to label some rulers as ‘anti-senatorial’ and others as ‘pro-senatorial’. Even those emperors who executed large numbers of senators, such as Commodus and Septimius Severus, had amici from within the senate whom they trusted and relied upon. The favour bestowed on such senators who formed part of the emperors’ exclusive cabal was a source of continual tension among the Roman elite. The amici formed a heterogeneous group, whose only common link was that they had earned the favour of the emperor of the day.
25

The Emperor and the Roman Elite from Commodus to Maximinus (A.D. 180-238)

Davenport, Caillan James Roderick Unknown Date (has links)
Rome had twelve masters between the years A.D. 180-238, eleven of whom were murdered or killed in battle. The age of the Antonines came to an end with the death of Commodus and four years of divisive civil war. The eventual victor, Septimius Severus, established a new dynasty, but it was short-lived, coming to an ignominious end in a camp on the Rhine. Thus began the era of the soldier emperors. This thesis will argue that the rapid turnover of emperors in these fifty-eight years precipitated a crisis among the Roman elite. Senators and equestrians competed with each other, and with less exalted members of society, such as freedmen, to become members of the emperor’s inner circle. Dio Cassius, a senator who began his Roman History during the reign of Septimius Severus, serves as an effective contemporary witness to the upheavals taking place at court and within society at large. Contrary to the views of scholars such as Crook and Syme, who place great emphasis on the continuity of policy provided by the emperor’s amici, this thesis will demonstrate that there was significant discontinuity at the imperial court. Imperial advisers were not a fixed group retained from reign to reign – instead, each new emperor chose to install his own supporters in key positions in order to put his own stamp on the administration of the empire. This has given rise to a tendency to label some rulers as ‘anti-senatorial’ and others as ‘pro-senatorial’. Even those emperors who executed large numbers of senators, such as Commodus and Septimius Severus, had amici from within the senate whom they trusted and relied upon. The favour bestowed on such senators who formed part of the emperors’ exclusive cabal was a source of continual tension among the Roman elite. The amici formed a heterogeneous group, whose only common link was that they had earned the favour of the emperor of the day.
26

The Emperor and the Roman Elite from Commodus to Maximinus (A.D. 180-238)

Davenport, Caillan James Roderick Unknown Date (has links)
Rome had twelve masters between the years A.D. 180-238, eleven of whom were murdered or killed in battle. The age of the Antonines came to an end with the death of Commodus and four years of divisive civil war. The eventual victor, Septimius Severus, established a new dynasty, but it was short-lived, coming to an ignominious end in a camp on the Rhine. Thus began the era of the soldier emperors. This thesis will argue that the rapid turnover of emperors in these fifty-eight years precipitated a crisis among the Roman elite. Senators and equestrians competed with each other, and with less exalted members of society, such as freedmen, to become members of the emperor’s inner circle. Dio Cassius, a senator who began his Roman History during the reign of Septimius Severus, serves as an effective contemporary witness to the upheavals taking place at court and within society at large. Contrary to the views of scholars such as Crook and Syme, who place great emphasis on the continuity of policy provided by the emperor’s amici, this thesis will demonstrate that there was significant discontinuity at the imperial court. Imperial advisers were not a fixed group retained from reign to reign – instead, each new emperor chose to install his own supporters in key positions in order to put his own stamp on the administration of the empire. This has given rise to a tendency to label some rulers as ‘anti-senatorial’ and others as ‘pro-senatorial’. Even those emperors who executed large numbers of senators, such as Commodus and Septimius Severus, had amici from within the senate whom they trusted and relied upon. The favour bestowed on such senators who formed part of the emperors’ exclusive cabal was a source of continual tension among the Roman elite. The amici formed a heterogeneous group, whose only common link was that they had earned the favour of the emperor of the day.
27

The Emperor and the Roman Elite from Commodus to Maximinus (A.D. 180-238)

Davenport, Caillan James Roderick Unknown Date (has links)
Rome had twelve masters between the years A.D. 180-238, eleven of whom were murdered or killed in battle. The age of the Antonines came to an end with the death of Commodus and four years of divisive civil war. The eventual victor, Septimius Severus, established a new dynasty, but it was short-lived, coming to an ignominious end in a camp on the Rhine. Thus began the era of the soldier emperors. This thesis will argue that the rapid turnover of emperors in these fifty-eight years precipitated a crisis among the Roman elite. Senators and equestrians competed with each other, and with less exalted members of society, such as freedmen, to become members of the emperor’s inner circle. Dio Cassius, a senator who began his Roman History during the reign of Septimius Severus, serves as an effective contemporary witness to the upheavals taking place at court and within society at large. Contrary to the views of scholars such as Crook and Syme, who place great emphasis on the continuity of policy provided by the emperor’s amici, this thesis will demonstrate that there was significant discontinuity at the imperial court. Imperial advisers were not a fixed group retained from reign to reign – instead, each new emperor chose to install his own supporters in key positions in order to put his own stamp on the administration of the empire. This has given rise to a tendency to label some rulers as ‘anti-senatorial’ and others as ‘pro-senatorial’. Even those emperors who executed large numbers of senators, such as Commodus and Septimius Severus, had amici from within the senate whom they trusted and relied upon. The favour bestowed on such senators who formed part of the emperors’ exclusive cabal was a source of continual tension among the Roman elite. The amici formed a heterogeneous group, whose only common link was that they had earned the favour of the emperor of the day.
28

The linguistics of orality : a psycholinguistic approach to private and public performance of classical Attic prose

Vatri, Alessandro January 2013 (has links)
The thesis tests the hypothesis that certain aspects of linguistic variation in Attic prose are related to the type of oral performance, private or public, which the author envisaged for his text. This hypothesis rests on the assumption that authors more or less consciously optimized their texts for their intended communicative situation. A crucial feature of texts optimized for public delivery was clarity, which figures as an essential component of the 'virtue of speech' in the Greek rhetorical thought. In private situations the audience itself could alter the pace of reading or recitation. Clarifications could be sought, and pauses and repetitions would be possible. The case was different with public situations, where the text itself coincided with its performance and it was entirely up to the speaker to determine the way in which the audience would access it. Especially in political and judicial contexts, where important decisions were to be made, public speakers could not afford being unclear. In order to test whether public texts were clearer than private texts, 'clarity' must be defined in a linguistically thorough way. Modern psycholinguistics studies human language comprehension, and experimental research has revealed language-independent mechanisms which can be confidently applied to dead languages. In the thesis, clarity is measured by the number of syntactic, semantic, and referential reanalyses which linguistics structures induce in a given amount of text. This methodology is tested on a corpus of Attic speeches, which includes both texts that were devised exclusively for written circulation and private delivery, and texts that were at least conceived for public delivery, although we do not know to what extent they correspond to the versions which were actually delivered. The difference between the average score of 'public texts' and that of 'private texts' is statistically significant and supports the hypothesis that 'public texts' were generally clearer than 'private texts' for audiences of native speakers.
29

Linguistic studies in Euripides' Electra

van Emde Boas, Evert H. January 2011 (has links)
Euripides’ Electra has long been one of the playwright’s most controversial works. This book offers a reading of the play concentrating on its language, which is analysed by applying a variety of modern linguistic approaches: conversation analysis, pragmatic theories of speech acts and inference, politeness theory, the study of the interplay of gender and language, paroemiology, and the study of discourse cohesion. The first three chapters argue for the Peasant, Electra and Orestes, respectively, that their linguistic behaviour constitutes a vital part of their characterisation. The Peasant’s (ch. 1) sturdy morality is established by the way his language becomes more forceful when he touches on ethical questions; it is then tested in his conversations with Electra, where his language is suggestive of a conflict between his morals and his desire to please his royal wife. Electra herself (ch. 2) is characterised initially by the inability to communicate successfully with those around her — a disconnect which is suggestive of the fundamental incongruity of her circumstances. This adds a dimension to her motivations, which, as a force driving Electra’s linguistic behaviour, remain highly stable throughout the play up until the matricide. Another consistent feature of Electra’s language is the way it is patterned by her gender. Orestes’ characterisation in the early part of the play is ingeniously kept to a minimum through his sustained disguise. Various aspects of his language, but particularly his use of gnomai, contribute to that disguise, which involves a suppression of emotion, an avoidance of self-reference, and the exertion of control over the flow and topic of his conversation with Electra. We can only interpret a dramatic text if we know what it says, and if we know who says what. In chapter 4, I argue that the linguistic approaches I adopt can also help us in making a determination about textual-critical problems, particularly concerning the issue of speaker-line attribution (two notorious cases are discussed: 671-84 and 959-87). The final two chapters deal with longer speeches. In the messenger scene (ch. 5), Euripides uses linguistic devices to create an ebb and flow of suspense, and to manipulate audience expectation. In the agon (ch. 6), differences in the way Clytemnestra and Electra structure their speeches, particularly their narrationes, reveal much about their different (and fundamentally irreconcilable) viewpoints and approaches.
30

The future of the second sophistic

Strazdins, Estelle Amber January 2012 (has links)
This thesis explores the anxieties and opportunities that attend fame and posterity in the second sophistic and how they play out in both literary and monumental expressions of cultural production. I consider how elite provincials in the Roman empire, who are competitive, bi- or even tri-cultural, status-driven, often politically active, and engaged in cultural production, attempt to construct a future presence for themselves either through the composition of literature that is aimed (at least in part) at the future or through efforts to write themselves into the landscape of their native or adopted cities. I argue that the cultural and temporal perspective of these men drives their multifarious, playful, and self-reflexive approach to the production of literature or monuments. For those men engaged in the ‘second sophistic’, in the narrower, Philostratean definition, there is an ever present tether on their creative efforts, in that for contemporary success they must immerse themselves in the culture of classical Athens; and the prominent practice of epideictic oratory, with its promotion of improvisation and lack of repetition, discourages the kind of literary effort that aims at eternity. At the same time, their attempts to build themselves into the hearts of cities is less restricted, in that those who possess or have access to sufficient wealth can grant elaborate benefactions which essentially stand as monuments to their financer. Nevertheless, their belated position with respect to the Greek literary canon and the heights of political and cultural prestige invested in classical Greece infuses the cultural efforts of the second sophistic with a sense of pathos that acknowledges the impossibility of creating and controlling one’s future reputation regardless of how much effort is applied. At the same time, this impossible position, rather than limiting them, endows these men with a varied, self-ironizing, intertextual, intermedial, and unique approach to cultural production that actively engages with the inescapable and laudable past in order to carve a lasting impression on the literary and physical landscape of the Roman empire.

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