Deutschland ist wegen seiner verlässlichen Außenpolitik ein weltweit angesehener Partner. Jedoch gelingt es der deutschen Außenpolitik momentan nicht, mit den Entwicklungen der globalisierten Welt Schritt zu halten. Bei wichtigen Themen hat die deutsche Regierung zu selten versucht, Stellung zu beziehen. Die Fähigkeit zur friedlichen Konfliktlösung muss Hauptanliegen unserer Außenpolitik sein. Als Grundlage dafür muss ein ständiger Dialog auch mit den Ländern, die unsere Werte nicht teilen, vorangetrieben werden.

The transition from an industrial to a global knowledge-based economy has put universities in the spotlight of public policies as the new drivers of innovation and sustained economic growth. Consequently, societal expectations towards the academic community have changed and so has, under the influence of neo-liberal ideas, the public governance of higher education. This is particularly true in federalist systems, such as Germany, Australia and the European Union, where the roles of each government level in governing the higher education sector had to be renegotiated and clarified. In Canada, however, despite repeated recommendations by policymakers, scholars and international organisations, the respective responsibilities have not yet been clarified and, to date, there are still no mechanisms to coordinate the post-secondary education policies of the federal and provincial governments. This paper inquires into the reasons for this exception. In the academic literature, this has generally been explained in terms of Canada’s uniqueness with respect to its federalist system and the decentralized higher education sector. We attempt to go beyond this traditional federalism, state-centered approach, which is predominant in the Canadian higher education literature. Instead, based on interviews and official documents and inspired by the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF), we shall be looking at the belief systems of the major actors in the policy process and the degree of coordination among them. Our analysis comes to the conclusion that, on the one hand, proponents of a pan-Canadian approach are divided over their fundamental beliefs regarding the compatibility of inclusiveness and excellence. Some argue that the federal government must legislate common standards to ensure equal opportunities for all Canadians. Others propose a New Governance-inspired approach to create a differentiated and competitive university sector that meets the demands of the global knowledge-based economy more efficiently. On the other hand, even though the provinces differ in their beliefs regarding the equal opportunity versus economic efficiency debate, they share the same strong belief with respect to the role of the federal government. According to this view, post-secondary education is exclusively a provincial responsibility and the role of the federal government is solely to help them ‘fix the problems’. Moreover, contrary to the proponents of more intergovernmental collaboration, the provinces have successfully strengthened the coordination among themselves to block further perceived federal intrusions into provincial jurisdiction. We come to the conclusion that the absence of intergovernmental mechanisms to govern post-secondary education is a consequence of the diverging belief systems and the establishment of formal coordination structures among the provinces to block – as they perceive - further federal intrusions. Also, there is less of a sense of urgency to act compared to, say, health care. Finally, remembering the near-separation of Quebec in 1995, there is very little appetite to reopen the constitutional debates. Therefore, based on our analysis, we argue that contrary to suggestions by some higher education scholars, the establishment of intergovernmental coordinating mechanisms appears unlikely in the near future.

Cette thèse tentera de démontrer, dans un premier temps, si les idéologies religieuses conservent une grande importance aux États-Unis, et ce, malgré la sécularisation apparente de la société. Une analyse du processus politique qui est à l’œuvre dans la mobilisation et l’action du Christian Coalition – organisation de la nouvelle droite chrétienne – permet de cerner la place qu’a le religieux dans la sphère publique, et plus particulièrement, dans la sphère politique. Plus spécifiquement, nous observerons les stratégies et les actions que le C.C. entreprend dans le but d’exercer des pressions et d’influencer les débats et le pouvoir politique, tout en déterminant la nature des enjeux qui motivent une mobilisation pour ce groupe protestant conservateur. Une évaluation basée sur le courant des mouvements sociaux illustrera la mesure dans laquelle la nouvelle droite chrétienne détient une partie du pouvoir social et jouit du rôle d’acteur politique par son institutionnalisation dans la sphère politique.

The transition from an industrial to a global knowledge-based economy has put universities in the spotlight of public policies as the new drivers of innovation and sustained economic growth. Consequently, societal expectations towards the academic community have changed and so has, under the influence of neo-liberal ideas, the public governance of higher education. This is particularly true in federalist systems, such as Germany, Australia and the European Union, where the roles of each government level in governing the higher education sector had to be renegotiated and clarified. In Canada, however, despite repeated recommendations by policymakers, scholars and international organisations, the respective responsibilities have not yet been clarified and, to date, there are still no mechanisms to coordinate the post-secondary education policies of the federal and provincial governments. This paper inquires into the reasons for this exception. In the academic literature, this has generally been explained in terms of Canada’s uniqueness with respect to its federalist system and the decentralized higher education sector. We attempt to go beyond this traditional federalism, state-centered approach, which is predominant in the Canadian higher education literature. Instead, based on interviews and official documents and inspired by the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF), we shall be looking at the belief systems of the major actors in the policy process and the degree of coordination among them. Our analysis comes to the conclusion that, on the one hand, proponents of a pan-Canadian approach are divided over their fundamental beliefs regarding the compatibility of inclusiveness and excellence. Some argue that the federal government must legislate common standards to ensure equal opportunities for all Canadians. Others propose a New Governance-inspired approach to create a differentiated and competitive university sector that meets the demands of the global knowledge-based economy more efficiently. On the other hand, even though the provinces differ in their beliefs regarding the equal opportunity versus economic efficiency debate, they share the same strong belief with respect to the role of the federal government. According to this view, post-secondary education is exclusively a provincial responsibility and the role of the federal government is solely to help them ‘fix the problems’. Moreover, contrary to the proponents of more intergovernmental collaboration, the provinces have successfully strengthened the coordination among themselves to block further perceived federal intrusions into provincial jurisdiction. We come to the conclusion that the absence of intergovernmental mechanisms to govern post-secondary education is a consequence of the diverging belief systems and the establishment of formal coordination structures among the provinces to block – as they perceive - further federal intrusions. Also, there is less of a sense of urgency to act compared to, say, health care. Finally, remembering the near-separation of Quebec in 1995, there is very little appetite to reopen the constitutional debates. Therefore, based on our analysis, we argue that contrary to suggestions by some higher education scholars, the establishment of intergovernmental coordinating mechanisms appears unlikely in the near future.

Cette thèse tentera de démontrer, dans un premier temps, si les idéologies religieuses conservent une grande importance aux États-Unis, et ce, malgré la sécularisation apparente de la société. Une analyse du processus politique qui est à l’œuvre dans la mobilisation et l’action du Christian Coalition – organisation de la nouvelle droite chrétienne – permet de cerner la place qu’a le religieux dans la sphère publique, et plus particulièrement, dans la sphère politique. Plus spécifiquement, nous observerons les stratégies et les actions que le C.C. entreprend dans le but d’exercer des pressions et d’influencer les débats et le pouvoir politique, tout en déterminant la nature des enjeux qui motivent une mobilisation pour ce groupe protestant conservateur. Une évaluation basée sur le courant des mouvements sociaux illustrera la mesure dans laquelle la nouvelle droite chrétienne détient une partie du pouvoir social et jouit du rôle d’acteur politique par son institutionnalisation dans la sphère politique.

En el artículo "NP-completeness in Hedonic Games", identificamos algunas limitaciones significativas de los modelos estándar de juegos cooperativos: A menudo, es imposible alcanzar una organización estable de una sociedad en una cantidad de tiempo razonable. Las implicaciones básicas de estos resultados son las siguientes, Primero, desde un punto de vista positivo, las sociedades están "condenadas" a evolucionar constantemente, más que a alcanzar un estadio de equilibrio en el corto plazo. Segundo, desde una perspectiva normativa, un hipotético organizador de la sociedad debería tomar en consideración las limitaciones prácticas de tiempo a la hora de implementar un orden social estable.Para obtener nuestros resultados, utilizamos el concepto de NP-completitud, que es un modelo bien establecido de complejidad temporal en Ciencias de la Computación. En concreto, nos concentramos en estabilidad grupal y estabilidad individual en juegos hedónicos. Los juegos hedónicos son una clase simple de juegos cooperativos en los que la utilidad de cada individuo viene totalmente determinada por el grupo laboral al que pertenece. Nuestros resultados referentes a la complejidad, expresados en términos de NP-completitud, cubren un amplio espectro de dominios de las preferencias individuales, incluyendo preferencias estrictas, indiferencias en las preferencias o preferencias libres sobre el tamaño de los grupos. Dichos resultados también se cumplen si nos restringimos al caso en el que el tamaño máximo de los grupos es pequeño (dos o tres jugadores)En el artículo "Who is Who in Networks. Wanted: The Key Player" (junto con Antoni Calvó Armengol e Yves Zenou), analizamos un modelo de efectos de grupo en el que los agentes interactúan en un juego de influencias bilaterales. Los juegos no cooperativos con población finita y utilidades linales-cuadráticas, en los cuales cada jugador decide cuánto esfuerzo ejercer, pueden ser interpretados como juegos en red con complementariedades en los pagos, junto con un componente de susitucion global y uniforme, y un efecto de concavidad propia.Para dichos juegos, la acción de cada jugador en un equilibrio de Nash es proporcional a su centralidad de Bonacich en la red de complementariedades, estableciendo así un puente con la literatura de redes sociales. Dicho vínculo entre Bonacich y Nash implica que el equilibrio agregado aumenta con el tamaño y la densidad de la red. También analizamos una política que consiste en seleccionar al jugador clave, ésto es, el jugador que, una vez eliminado del juego, induce un cambio óptimo en la actividad agregada. Proveemos una caracterización geométrica del jugador clave, identificada con una medida de inter-centralidad, la cual toma en cuenta tanto la centralidad de cada jugador como su contribución a la centralidad de los otros.En el artículo "Optimal Targets in Peer Networks" (junto con Antoni Calvó Armengol e Yves Zenou), nos centramos en las consecuencias y limitaciones prácticas que se derivan del modelo de decisiones sobre delincuencia. Las principales metas que aborda el trabajo son las siguientes. Primero, la elección se extiende el concepto de delincuente clave en una red al de grupo clave. En dicha situación se trata de seleccionar de modo óptimo al conjunto de delincuentes a eliminar/neutralizar, dadas las restricciones presupuestarias para aplicar medidas. Dicho problema presenta una inherente complejidad computacional que solo puede salvarse mediante el uso de procedimientos aproximados, "voraces" o probabilísticos. Por otro lado, tratamos el problema del delincuente clave en el contexto de redes dinámicas, en las que, inicialmente, los individuos deciden acerca de su futuro como delincuentes o como ciudadanos que obtienen un salario fijo en el mercado. En dicha situación, la elección del delincuente clave es más compleja, ya que el objetivo de disminuir la delincuencia debe tener en cuenta los efectos en cadena que pueda traer consigo la desaparición de uno o varios delincuentes. Por último, estudiamos la complejidad computacional del problema de elección óptima y explotamos la propiedad de submodularidad de la intercentralidad de grupo, lo cual nos permite acotar el error relativo de la aproximación basada en un algoritmo voraz. / The aim of this thesis work is to contribute to the analysis of the interaction of agents in social networks and groups.In the chapter "NP-completeness in Hedonic Games", we identify some significant limitations in standard models of cooperation in games: It is often impossible to achieve a stable organization of a society in a reasonable amount of time. The main implications of these results are the following. First, from a positive point of view, societies are bound to evolve permanently, rather than reach a steady state configuration rapidly. Second, from a normative perspective, a planner should take into account practical time limitations in order to implement a stable social order.In order to obtain our results, we use the notion of NP-completeness, a well-established model of time complexity in Computer Science. In particular, we concentrate on group stability and individual stability in hedonic games. Hedonic games are a simple class of cooperative games in which each individual's utility is entirely determined by her group. Our complexity results, phrased in terms of NP-completeness, cover a wide spectrum of preference domains, including strict preferences, indifference in preferences or undemanding preferences over sizes of groups. They also hold if we restrict the maximum size of groups to be very small (two or three players).The last two chapters deal with the interaction of agents in the social setting. It focuses on games played by agents who interact among them. The actions of each player generate consequences that spread to all other players throughout a complex pattern of bilateral influences. In "Who is Who in Networks. Wanted: The Key Player" (joint with Antoni Calvó-Armengol and Yves Zenou), we analyze a model peer effects where agents interact in a game of bilateral influences. Finite population non-cooperative games with linear-quadratic utilities, where each player decides how much action she exerts, can be interpreted as a network game with local payoff complementarities, together with a globally uniform payoff substitutability component and an own-concavity effect.For these games, the Nash equilibrium action of each player is proportional to her Bonacich centrality in the network of local complementarities, thus establishing a bridge with the sociology literature on social networks. This Bonacich-Nash linkage implies that aggregate equilibrium increases with network size and density. We then analyze a policy that consists in targeting the key player, that is, the player who, once removed, leads to the optimal change in aggregate activity. We provide a geometric characterization of the key player identified with an inter-centrality measure, which takes into account both a player's centrality and her contribution to the centrality of the others.Finally, in the last chapter, "Optimal Targets in Peer Networks" (joint with Antoni Calvó-Armengol and Yves Zenou), we analyze the previous model in depth and study the properties and the applicability of network design policies.In particular, the key group is the optimal choice for a planner who wishes to maximally reduce aggregate activity. We show that this problem is computationally hard and that a simple greedy algorithm used for maximizing submodular set functions can be used to find an approximation. We also endogeneize the participation in the game and describe some of the properties of the key group. The use of greedy heuristics can be extended to other related problems, like the removal or addition of new links in the network.

Cette recherche propose une étude sur les affiches politiques américaines produites durant la guerre du Vietnam, plus particulièrement sur l'œuvre du Art Worker's coalition, Q. And babies? A. And babies, une affiche/photomontage qui a servi le mouvement de protestation contre la guerre. Représentant les résultats de l'offensive de l'armée américaine, dans le village de My Lai, où les soldats américains s'engagent dans une tuerie de plus de 300 villageois dont des femmes et des enfants, l'affiche Q. And babies? A. And babies établit des liens avec les débats sociopolitiques des années soixante. À cette époque, aux États-Unis, la contestation contre la guerre du Vietnam touche l'ensemble des tranches de la société : les vétérans de la guerre, les membres de la communauté afro-américaine, les étudiants, les travailleurs et les artistes. Les débats sociaux, dont la lutte pour les droits civiques et l'émergence de la contre-culture ont également un impact sur le mouvement de protestation. Pour une des premières fois dans l'histoire, des membres de la jeune génération deviennent les catalyseurs des changements sociaux et politiques. Les reportages à la télévision (la guerre du Vietnam étant le premier conflit diffusé à l'aide de la télévision) et dans les journaux, remettent en cause la légitimité du conflit et le peuple américain questionne le comportement des soldats. Le monde de l'art participe également à cette contestation, en particulier le Art Worker's Coalition, une organisation regroupant des artistes, des critiques et des historiens de l'art. Dans les années soixante, l'activisme politique dans le travail de l'artiste n'est pas nouveau, mais il prend de l'ampleur avec l'avènement des nouveaux paradigmes esthétiques comme la performance et le happening et avec l'utilisation des médias de masse comme la photographie et l'affiche. L'affiche politique américaine, dans les années soixante, marque une rupture avec le passé, d'une part, dans sa technique avec l'abandon du dessin au profit de la photographie et, d'autre part, dans son contenu, où les symboles populaires américains sont transformés en symboles de dérision. Les affiches rompent avec l'iconographie traditionnelle et utilisent un vocabulaire formel nouveau. Les artistes ont participé de façon consciente, à l'aide du médium de l'affiche, à la protestation contre la guerre du Vietnam et ont ainsi participé aux nombreux débats durant les années soixante aux États-Unis. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Affiche politique, Art worker's coalition, guerre du Vietnam, activisme politique, médias de masse, Q. And babies? A. And babies.

The pan-green coalition¡¦s perspectives towards development of Kaohsiung under cross-strait pattern are investigated in this disquisition. The gist of the study, that adopts Dr. Ming-shen Wang¡¦s original PAM (Public Affairs Management) and SDM (Social Development Matrix) methods as a foundation of its theory, and that combines MOORE¡¦s V.C.S. ( Value, Capacity, Support ) policy characterized in triangle interview issues, looks into whether the management and operation are available for Kaohsiung government¡¦s communicating of cross-strait trades. After dealing with the pan-green opinions, by interviewing 55 persons who belong to pan-green and neutral constituencies, including delegates, scholars, media, public officials, all sorts of trades, and citizens, the conclusion appears their common believes and various values of their statements. However, the conflict exists among the constituencies¡¦ knowledge towards the development of Kaohsiung city under the cross-strait circumstance. For example, at the controversial film festival year when Rebiya Kadeer was displayed without being censored, there are convincing conflicts over it between public officials and citizens. In the official group, 100 percent reveals that in democratic Taiwan, it is unnecessary to be censored at all. Comparing the citizen group, 29.4 percent suggests that it is unnecessary either, 12.6 percent accounts for the fact that it related nothing to administrators¡¦ abilities, 25.2 percent says that it needs censorship before displaying, 21 percent shows that it belongs to an ideological subject, 12 percent is miscellaneous. The final goal of two groups¡¦ statistics proves the necessaries of the equally developments between northern Taiwan and the southern, draining foreign institutional investors into Kaohsiung, promoting its development of economy, increasing the opportunities of employment, stable living and people owning their houses, prosperity in all.

This research aims to analyze the relationship between non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and the establishment of the International Criminal Court (ICC). To understand the making of the ICC and the role of NGOs in its making is the intention behind this research project. It is for this reason that this thesis begins with a detailed examination of the emerging roles of NGOs in international relations. Subsequently, the background of ICC’s making is mentioned. It is divided into two parts, including participation of states and participation of NGOs. Regarding participation of NGOs in the making of the ICC, NGO Coalition for the ICC (CICC) plays a crucial role in this campaign. In summary, the lessons learned from CICC can be concluded as follows: - setting and controlling the international political agenda - gathering and analyzing information quickly - using the media as a means of dissemination - increasing communications with States - coordinating information and strategy - reducing coalition-building costs - monitoring and implementing international law The creation of the ICC can be seen as a multilateral mechanism for concerted international human security efforts. If we can apply the lessons that CICC have learned, then many more successful campaigns will be expected soon.

Texte abrégé et remanié de: Dissertation--Fachbereich Geisteswissenschaften--Universität Duisburg-Essen, 2005. / Bibliogr. p. 244-251.