xi, 87 p. : col. map / This project explores the factors contributing to and hindering coalition building and cooperation between immigrant day laborers and the building trade unions in Portland, Oregon. The research is based on interviews with local labor and worker center leaders and an examination of public records and media discourse. It draws from a theoretical framework informed by Stuart Hall, Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe and their work on identity politics in new social movements. The research concludes that the lack of full success in this case was the result of a conflicting message that conveyed to workers that they shared a similar identity, while at the same time that they labored in separate industries. As a result, no shared identity was ever established and organized labor continued to view immigrant workers as outsiders. / Committee in charge: Daniel HoSang, Chairperson; Joseph Lowndes, Member; Daniel Tichenor, Member

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:32:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2011-02-25Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:43:05Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 ferreira_al_me_assis.pdf: 2006885 bytes, checksum: 97d09e023549d8e319968442a6359223 (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / A Frente Ampla (FA), fundada em 1971 como coalizão de partidos de esquerda e grupos políticos progressistas, encerrou com pelo menos uma década de discussões e tentativas de aproximação entre os partidos minoritários no Uruguai. Além disso, a nova força pôs fim ao histórico predomínio político-eleitoral dos partidos Nacional (Blanco) e Colorado. Desde meados dos anos 50, PCU (Partido Comunista do Uruguai) e PS (Partido Socialista) debatiam a questão da unidade, não chegando, porém, a nenhum acordo efetivo. A partir de 1962, experiências de unificação foram feitas por um e outro partido, mas nunca englobando todas as esquerdas. Mais tarde, no curso de 1968, a Democracia-Cristã (PDC) sugeriu criar uma grande aliança de oposição ao governo autoritário de Jorge Pacheco Areco, bem como uma alternativa democrática à luta armada dos Tupamaros, contudo, tal iniciativa não teve resultados imediatos. Após muitas polêmicas e extensas negociações durante 1970, comunistas, democrata cristãos, socialistas e setores desprendidos dos partidos majoritários, se uniram formando a Frente Ampla, culminando um longo processo de exigências, concessões e aprendizado político. / The Frente Ampla (FA), established in 1971 as a coalition of the left parties and the progressive political parties, ended with, at least, one decade of discussions and approaching attempts between the minority parties in Uruguay. Besides, the new power put an end to the historical political-electoral predominance of the parties Nacional (Blanco) and Colorado. Since the fifties, PCU (Uruguay´s Communist Party) and PS (Socialist Party) debated the unit issue, however, not coming to an agreement. Since 1962, experiences of unification were made by one and another party, but never joining all the left parties. Later on, in 1968, the Christian-Democracy (PDC) suggested forming a great opposition alliance to the authoritarian government of Jorge Pacheco Areco, as well as a democratic alternative to the armed conflict of Tupamaros, nevertheless such initiative didn´t have the immediate results. After a lot of controverse and extensive negotiations during 1970, communists, christian democrats, socialists and detached sections of the majority parties, got together forming the Frente Ampla, culminating in a long process of requirements, concessions and political learning.

Este trabalho procura compreender como funcionam as coalizões que sustentam o Executivo no Brasil, com um olhar direcionado ao processo legislativo, ou seja, à forma como leis são processadas no interior do Poder Legislativo. Acredito que a formação de coalizões implica na divisão de poder e de responsabilidade sobre o conjunto de políticas, ou seja, implica que todos os partidos que compõem a coalizão participam e influem no resultado final do processo decisório. Pretendo, através da análise do processo de produção das leis, identificar em que moldes se dá o acordo entre os partidos no tocante a políticas específicas. Privilegio as medidas introduzidas e vetadas pelo Executivo para, por meio destas, mostrar como se dá concretamente este acordo. / This work seeks to understand the coalitions that support the Executive Power in Brazil, focusing the legislative process, which means, focusing how the laws are produced inside the Legislative Power. The assumption is that forming coalitions implies sharing power and responsibilities over the broad set of policies. In other words, it implies that the parties composing the coalition participate and influence the results of the decisionmaking process. By analyzing the legislative process, the aim is to identify the terms of the parties agreement concerning policies. The emphasis is on the bills introduced and vetoed by the Executive, assuming that they reveal this agreement.

CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeiÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel Superior / A CiÃncia PolÃtica brasileira apresenta um interessante debate em torno do conceito de Presidencialismo de CoalizÃo. Conceito surgido no final da dÃcada de 1980 para denominar a organizaÃÃo institucional do Brasil, ele à alvo de debates intensos entre estudiosos. De um lado, pesquisadores defendem que o presidencialismo brasileiro, por suas caracterÃsticas, à dÃbil, fraco e baseado em acordos cujo papel reservado Ãs instituiÃÃes partidÃrias à muito pequeno. Em outra posiÃÃo, alguns pesquisadores afirmam que a estrutura institucional brasileira à forte, tem um papel bem definido e à comparÃvel a suas congÃneres europÃias. Uma terceira corrente ainda propÃe uma visÃo intermediÃria entre as duas, defendendo que o presidencialismo no Brasil ora se mostra forte, ora fraco. A partir desse cenÃrio, investigo as posiÃÃes envolvidas no debate, tendo como foco e exemplo as bancadas de Deputados Federais cearenses. AlÃm de pesquisas bibliogrÃficas, entrevistas e dados coletados em sites compuseram o material de campo, focado principalmente nos dados relativos Ãs eleiÃÃes do perÃodo 1986-2006, a distribuiÃÃo polÃtico-partidÃria observada nas diferentes composiÃÃes das bancadas durante esse perÃodo e as emendas individuais propostas pelos parlamentares. Embora nÃo seja ainda tratada pela literatura vigente em profundidade, o presidencialismo de coalizÃo apresenta aspectos ligados à conjuntura polÃtica local que merecem ser desvendados. NÃo somente o cenÃrio nacional aparece como relevante para se pensar o apoio parlamentar, mas as questÃes estaduais e locais se impÃem tambÃm como um forte centro de influÃncia no trabalho dos parlamentares cearenses.

Submitted by Marlene Santos (marlene.bc.ufg@gmail.com) on 2016-09-12T16:51:56Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Ana Carolina Silva Ramos e Silva- 2011.pdf: 1587872 bytes, checksum: f02017c3585669cd12b6f511daadc111 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2016-09-15T12:22:53Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Ana Carolina Silva Ramos e Silva- 2011.pdf: 1587872 bytes, checksum: f02017c3585669cd12b6f511daadc111 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-15T12:22:53Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Ana Carolina Silva Ramos e Silva- 2011.pdf: 1587872 bytes, checksum: f02017c3585669cd12b6f511daadc111 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-06-22 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This study examines the role of political institutions in Colombia during the term of the National Front (1958-1974) - a coalition government composed of the Liberal and Conservative parties - in order to assess whether the model of democracy in the country walked towards democratic openness, according to the arguments of authors such as Pécaut (2010) and Dahl (2005), or a particular type called democracia restringida, as advocated by Jimenez (2009). This analysis is considered an important explanatory variable regarding the origin and permanence of the armed conflict in Colombia. Thus, during the research a fundamental tool for the analysis of political institutions were the Colombian electoral data, which allowed us to evaluate the degree of consensus, reached by the presidents of the National Front with civil society. Another fact of great importance was the analysis of systematic state of emergency declarations in the country, which ultimately demonstrated the need for the state to use repressive methods in order to impose its domination on the opposition. Finally the study analyses how the arbitrary methods used by governments to keep the coalition government in power reflected in the organizational model of the protest movement whose radicalization of many of them culminated in the Colombian guerrillas that persist until nowadays. / O estudo pretende analisar as instituições políticas colombianas durante o período de vigência da Frente Nacional (1958-1974) – governo de coalizão composto pelos partidos Liberal e Conservador – no intuito de avaliar se o modelo de democracia no país caminhava rumo à uma abertura democrática, como sustenta autores como Pécaut (2010) e Dahl (2005) ou à um tipo particular denominado democracia restringida, como sustenta Jímenez (2009). Por meio desta análise torna-se possível, conforme a hipótese aqui sustentada, obter uma variável explicativa importante a respeito da origem e permanência do conflito armado na Colômbia. Desta forma, no decorrer da pesquisa um dos instrumentos fundamentais para a análise das instituições políticas colombianas foram os dados eleitorais, que permitiram avaliar o grau de consenso obtido pelos presidentes da Frente Nacional junto à sociedade civil. Outro dado de grande relevância foi a análise da sistemática decretação de estado de sítio no país, o que em última instância demonstrou a necessidade do Estado em utilizar métodos repressivos para impor o consenso à oposição. Por fim analisa-se como os métodos arbitrários utilizados pelo Estado para manter o governo de coalizão no poder repercutiram no modelo organizativo dos movimentos de protesto, cuja radicalização de muitos deles deu origem às guerrilhas colombianas que persistem até a atualidade.

Esta dissertação consiste na análise da evolução da política de segurança do governo colombiano entre 2008 e 2016 para lidar com as FARC, conjuntamente com a análise da evolução das preferências de atores políticos domésticos e internacionais que compuseram uma representação da sociedade colombiana e de suas relações internacionais em momentos-chave desta transição. As preferências destes atores foram agrupadas em tipos ideais: a favor da exclusividade do combate militar ou de negociações que, informalmente reunidas, formam coalizões multiníveis em prol de uma ou outra diretriz. O objetivo foi identificar qual sustentação política possibilitou uma ruptura na política de segurança colombiana antes exclusivamente voltada ao combate e que se direcionou para o início de negociações dado que, diferentemente das duas rupturas anteriores, esta não foi resultado de uma escolha direta da população nas eleições presidenciais. A hipótese sustentada na pesquisa é que mudanças contextuais ocorreram simultaneamente nos âmbitos doméstico e internacional e que ambas foram igualmente necessárias para o sucesso desta transição. Estas mudanças contextuais geraram também uma mudança de narrativa da promoção da imagem da Colômbia como um Estado frágil para a de um país em franco desenvolvimento. A contribuição a que esta pesquisa se propõe é romper a barreira de análise destes dois âmbitos tratados na literatura primordialmente de forma cindida, impondo um empecilho para a compreensão desta política que é simultaneamente doméstica e internacional, impedindo uma maior compreensão dos mecanismos causais da sua evolução. Esta análise simultânea permitiu identificar um descompasso entre o entusiasmo internacional com a negociação e um cenário doméstico polarizado com preferências conflitantes. Os elementos que a pesquisa encontra como determinantes para esta transição são que este conflito, que fora intensamente internacionalizado, ter passado por um processo de \"renacionalização\" e também de estagnação em um confronto de baixa intensidade, redistribuindo os custos e os pesos dos atores politicamente determinantes. Em relação aos atores políticos, a pesquisa identifica que foram necessários para a transição: o presidente colombiano e as FARC, o Congresso colombiano, EUA e Venezuela. O apoio direto da mídia, da opinião pública e da União Europeia não teriam sido necessários, mas são importantes para a consistência política e para o sucesso na implementação da negociação e do processo transicional. / This work is an analysis of how the Colombian security policy to deal with FARC evolved between 2008 and 2016 and an analysis of how evolved the preferences of domestic and international political actors that composed a representation of the Colombian society and its international relations around key moments of this transition. The preferences of those actors were grouped in two ideal types: in favor of the military combat versus those favoring negotiations. Informally united, those actors formed multilevel coalitions in favor of one of those preferences. The goal was to identify which was the political support that enabled a radical change in the Colombian security policy from the military combat to negotiation considering that, differently from the two preceding political changes, this was not the result of a direct popular choice through presidential elections. The hipotesis sustained in this research is that contextual changes happened both in the domestic and international spheres and that both were necessary to enable this policy transition. Those contextual evolutions also generated the change of the main Colombian political narrative, from the promotion of the Colombian image as a fragile State to the one of a country in full development. This work contributes to break the analytical barrier between the domestic and international spheres, treated mostly as separated parts in the academy, which constitutes a barrier to the comprehension of this policy that is simultaneously domestic and international, demanding a double level analysis to understand its causal mechanisms. This simultaneous analysis enabled the identification of a large imbalance among the constant international enthusiasm and many conflicting preferences at the polarized domestic sphere. The factors that the research finds as determinant to this transition were the fact that this conflict that was intensely internationalized passed by a process of \'renationalization\' and by a process of stagnation at a low intensety confrontation redistributing the operational and political costs and also the relative relevance of the intervening political actors. Regarding these political actors, the research identified that the Presidency, FARC, Colombian congress, USA and Venezuela were necessary to the policy transition. The direct support from the Colombian population, the media and the European Union were not necessary, but were important to the political consistency and will be crucial to the success of the transitional process.

Classifier ensembling research has been one of the most active areas of machine learning for a long period of time. The main aim of generating combined classifier ensembles is to improve the prediction accuracy in comparison to using an individual classifier. A combined classifiers ensemble can improve the prediction results by compensating for the individual classifier weaknesses in certain areas and benefiting from better accuracy of the other ensembles in the same area. In this thesis, different algorithms are proposed for designing classifier ensemble combiners. The existing methods such as averaging, voting, weighted average, and optimised weighted method does not increase the accuracy of the combiner in comparison to the proposed advanced methods such as genetic programming and the coalition method. The different methods are studied in detail and analysed using different databases. The aim is to increase the accuracy of the combiner in comparison to the standard stand-alone classifiers. The proposed methods are based on generating a combiner formula using genetic programming, while the coalition is based on estimating the diversity of the classifiers such that a coalition is generated with better prediction accuracy. Standard accuracy measures are used, namely accuracy, sensitivity, specificity and area under the curve, in addition to training error accuracies such as the mean square error. The combiner methods are compared empirically with several stand-alone classifiers using neural network algorithms. Different types of neural network topologies are used to generate different models. Experimental results show that the combiner algorithms are superior in creating the most diverse and accurate classifier ensembles. Ensembles of the same models are generated to boost the accuracy of a single classifier type. An ensemble of 10 models of different initial weights is used to improve the accuracy. Experiments show a significant improvement over a single model classifier. Finally, two combining methods are studied, namely the genetic programming and coalition combination methods. The genetic programming algorithm is used to generate a formula for the classifiers’ combinations, while the coalition method is based on a simple algorithm that assigns linear combination weights based on the consensus theory. Experimental results of the same databases demonstrate the effectiveness of the proposed methods compared to conventional combining methods. The results show that the coalition method is better than genetic programming.

Over the past 20 years, human trafficking has gained international attention and resulted in the creation of anti-trafficking laws in the United States. Politicians, scholars, and organizations have called for more professional efforts against human trafficking and advocated for better education and awareness to identify victims and prosecute traffickers. Local law enforcement is recognized for its ideal position in communities to combat this crime. In 2011, North Carolina implemented a statewide human trafficking training program for law enforcement. This research study examines the communication constitution of law enforcement and the use of power through this training program and as officers work trafficking cases. I position this research study within the literature of interorganizational collaboration (ICO), high- reliability organizations (HROs), and the Four Flows Model – a communication constitution of organizations (CCO) theory. I then provide a comprehensive methodical review of this research, which includes organizational documents and ethnographic data collected over a two-year period. The research results are divided into two discussions of law enforcement’s organizational constitution. First, I discuss law enforcement’s communication constitution through its human trafficking opposition and traffickers’ power to control victims. Second, I discuss law enforcement’s communication constitution through roles and partnerships in anti- trafficking efforts and power through government sanctioned authority. Finally, I conclude with a review of the research, contributions to the field, and recommendations.

Mémoire numérisé par la Direction des bibliothèques de l'Université de Montréal.

The transition from an industrial to a global knowledge-based economy has put universities in the spotlight of public policies as the new drivers of innovation and sustained economic growth. Consequently, societal expectations towards the academic community have changed and so has, under the influence of neo-liberal ideas, the public governance of higher education. This is particularly true in federalist systems, such as Germany, Australia and the European Union, where the roles of each government level in governing the higher education sector had to be renegotiated and clarified. In Canada, however, despite repeated recommendations by policymakers, scholars and international organisations, the respective responsibilities have not yet been clarified and, to date, there are still no mechanisms to coordinate the post-secondary education policies of the federal and provincial governments. This paper inquires into the reasons for this exception. In the academic literature, this has generally been explained in terms of Canada’s uniqueness with respect to its federalist system and the decentralized higher education sector. We attempt to go beyond this traditional federalism, state-centered approach, which is predominant in the Canadian higher education literature. Instead, based on interviews and official documents and inspired by the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF), we shall be looking at the belief systems of the major actors in the policy process and the degree of coordination among them. Our analysis comes to the conclusion that, on the one hand, proponents of a pan-Canadian approach are divided over their fundamental beliefs regarding the compatibility of inclusiveness and excellence. Some argue that the federal government must legislate common standards to ensure equal opportunities for all Canadians. Others propose a New Governance-inspired approach to create a differentiated and competitive university sector that meets the demands of the global knowledge-based economy more efficiently. On the other hand, even though the provinces differ in their beliefs regarding the equal opportunity versus economic efficiency debate, they share the same strong belief with respect to the role of the federal government. According to this view, post-secondary education is exclusively a provincial responsibility and the role of the federal government is solely to help them ‘fix the problems’. Moreover, contrary to the proponents of more intergovernmental collaboration, the provinces have successfully strengthened the coordination among themselves to block further perceived federal intrusions into provincial jurisdiction. We come to the conclusion that the absence of intergovernmental mechanisms to govern post-secondary education is a consequence of the diverging belief systems and the establishment of formal coordination structures among the provinces to block – as they perceive - further federal intrusions. Also, there is less of a sense of urgency to act compared to, say, health care. Finally, remembering the near-separation of Quebec in 1995, there is very little appetite to reopen the constitutional debates. Therefore, based on our analysis, we argue that contrary to suggestions by some higher education scholars, the establishment of intergovernmental coordinating mechanisms appears unlikely in the near future.