The thesis traces the construction of the Western Balkans since the end of the armed conflict in 1995. The term Western Balkans has become a commonplace in international politics that refers to a recognisable region on the European map – ignoring that it does not constitute a historical formation of European and Balkan politics. Most contemporary analysis focuses on functional aspects of economic cohesiveness and security interdependence. However, this thesis argues that the concept of Western Balkans is better understood as a social construction, externally-driven. The argument is that the Western Balkans is what the European Union makes of it. By taking a macro-historical perspective, we look at the long and special ties that the EU has had from the time of Yugoslavia to the Western Balkans until the mid-2000s. What we uncover is a special and consistent involvement of the European Commission into the regional affairs. The Western Balkans starts as a small organisational department within the institutional structure of the external relations' portfolio to become a regional identity question for the local populations. Also, the thesis points to the Commission’s actions as not just the outcome of micro-calculations but part of a social context of competing world-views; and, finally, this is the reason that the end-product of the Western Balkans resembles more a messy amalgam rather than a rational design.

<p>Heterogeneous school communities are becoming more apparent under local and global conditions. A school community is more diverse and similar, not only racially but also in respect of&nbsp / economic, cultural, national and ethnic identities. Schools would require leaders who are mindful of the need for conflict sensitivity and social reconciliation within a globalising&nbsp / classroom.Through the lens of critical constructivism, I investigated the extent to which a higher education institution achieved the aims of the ACE in School Leadership, a continuing&nbsp / professional development programme. I relied upon a qualitative research approach to gather rich descriptive data from interviews conducted with nine school leaders who had graduated from the ACE School Leadership programme. The Literature Review is based on readings regarding critical constructivism, globalisation, conflict‐sensitivity and reconciliation.I found that the&nbsp / programme expanded the school leaders&rsquo / basic knowledge about conflict sensitivity and social reconciliation, but not sufficiently in terms of developing a critical consciousness to deal with&nbsp / conflict effectively. I concluded that conflict‐sensitive schools required school leaders that produced knowledge critically through a rigorous process of engagement and reflection. The ACE School Leadership programme had limitations in the extent to which it could prepare and equip school leaders in this regard.</p>

<p>Heterogeneous school communities are becoming more apparent under local and global conditions. A school community is more diverse and similar, not only racially but also in respect of&nbsp / economic, cultural, national and ethnic identities. Schools would require leaders who are mindful of the need for conflict sensitivity and social reconciliation within a globalising&nbsp / classroom.Through the lens of critical constructivism, I investigated the extent to which a higher education institution achieved the aims of the ACE in School Leadership, a continuing&nbsp / professional development programme. I relied upon a qualitative research approach to gather rich descriptive data from interviews conducted with nine school leaders who had graduated from the ACE School Leadership programme. The Literature Review is based on readings regarding critical constructivism, globalisation, conflict‐sensitivity and reconciliation.I found that the&nbsp / programme expanded the school leaders&rsquo / basic knowledge about conflict sensitivity and social reconciliation, but not sufficiently in terms of developing a critical consciousness to deal with&nbsp / conflict effectively. I concluded that conflict‐sensitive schools required school leaders that produced knowledge critically through a rigorous process of engagement and reflection. The ACE School Leadership programme had limitations in the extent to which it could prepare and equip school leaders in this regard.</p>

Matěj Kubíček - Symbolic boundaries constructed by a group of stgehands Abstract The author analyzes the way a group of stagehands (manual workers in the preparation of cultural events) construct symbolic and social boundaries within and especially outside group, ie to other participants in the preparation and conduct of these events. Theoretical background of the thesis is the concept of symbolic and social boundaries by Michele Lamont and Virag Molnar and the theory of moral boundaries by Andrew Sayer. Sayer's theory says that the moral boundaries of groups or societies are formed on the basis of the values shared by these groups and the moral condemnation of other groups or companies due to non-recognition of these values. Author's field work confirms that this strategy of the creation of borders is present and shows the specific values it is based on. He finds that stagehands construct symbolic boundaries that are parallel to the formal boundaries, only with opposite direction of superiority.

This thesis focuses on the Soviets after the October Revolution, between 1917 and 1932, in which architecture was seen as the crucial aparatus to transform the society. Within this framework it approaches to social condensers which were perceived as architectural foresights and buildings that aim to transform the society and promote a new, collective way of life and relocates the (social) structure and agency dichotomy in architecture. Furthermore the effort of the creative individual (agent) to preserve his inner-domain is searched through the workers&#039 / club designs of two important architects Konstantin Melnikov and Ivan Leonidov, and furthermore trying to understand on which principles they established their architecture. Whereas the conclusion includes a critical evaluation on &quot / halkevleri&quot / (people&#039 / s houses) as having similar social premises within the scope of the general framework of the study.

This thesis examines the foreign policy evolution of Japan from the time of its modernization during the mid-nineteenth century though the present. It is argued that infringements upon Japanese sovereignty and geopolitical vulnerabilities have conditioned Japanese leaders towards power seeking policy objectives. The core variables of statehood, namely power and sovereignty, and the perception of state elites are traced over this broad time period to provide a historical foundation for framing contemporary analyses of Japanese foreign policy. To facilitate this research, a unique framework that accounts for both the foreign policy preferences of Japanese leaders and the external constraints of the international system is developed. Neoclassical realist understandings of self-help and relative power distributions form the basis of the presented analysis, while constructivism offers crucial insights into ideational factors that influence state elites. Social Identity Theory, a social psychology theory that examines group behavior, is integrated to conceptualize the available policy options. Surveying Japanese foreign policy through this framework clarifies the seemingly irreconcilable shifts in Japan's foreign policy history and clearly delineates between political groups that embody distinct policy strategies and norms. Consequently, the main contribution of this thesis lies in the development of a theoretical framework that is uniquely positioned to identify historical trends in foreign policy. Owing to the numerous shifts in modern Japan's foreign policy history, this research identifies and examines three distinguishable Japanese “states”: Meiji Japan (1868 - 1912), Imperial Japan (1912 - 1945), and postwar Japan (1945 - present).

C-essay in Political Science by Sunniva Lagnestål Melhuus, Spring 2013, Political Science III at Karlstad University, Supervisor: Hans Lödén, “Perceptions of a Conflict – A qualitative analysis of Indian and Pakistani mass media” In this essay the aim is to study the current situation and recent development of an international conflict from a social constructivist perspective, with an emphasis on the conflicting parties’ mutual perceptions. The long conflict between India and Pakistan is here chosen as an example. According to a social constructivist perspective the dynamics on the international arena depend on shared ideas and expectations. Therefore the question that is sought to be answered here is how India and Pakistan perceive each other, currently and over a recent time period. In this essay the focus lies on the images articulated in the countries’ mass media. Circa 500 news articles were selected from Indian and Pakistani newspapers and analysed using a social psychology conflict model. Drawing from previous research I argue that the images displayed in mass media affect the development of the conflict. The result of this study is that although the combined development in each country remains constant, both countries display negative developments in some aspects and the current situation is not hopeful in either country. By analysing the mutual perceptions of the conflicting parties it seems that the conflict will not de-escalate in the near future and both countries continue to perceive the other hostilely.