This thesis is an intendedly critical, non-deterministic/non-reductionist, and, a tentatively theoretical, post-disciplinary narrative of the class struggles in Turkey over the period of 1989-1995. Much of the argumentation draws upon a critical reading of the corporatist literature, and, radical Political Economy, specifically focusing upon Marx&rsquo / s theory of distribution. Distribution is seen as, inter alia, a moment of production, as production-determined distribution. Wages and profits are argued to be determined as the joint effect of class struggles in production, in the realm of ideology/discourse, the condition of Labour, the State power, and, the organisational capacity of Labour. Particular emphasis is placed upon the formation of new Capital strategies in the late Eighties and early Nineties. More specifically, the ESK is seen as the archetype of the so-called competitive corporatism in Turkey. Competitive corporatism is a State form, a partial phenomenon, and, a question of hegemony.

Examining state-civil society relationships within the context of social movements is vital for understanding the ways in which movements function at the micro-, meso-, and macro-levels—both independently and in relation to the state. This thesis takes the case of the women's movement in Peru under the presidency of Alberto Fujimori (1990-2000) to provide empirical evidence for the ways in which such relationships are established, function, and evolve over time. I argue that the opening of State institutions, when combined with non-violent state repression, served as political opportunities that allowed the women's movement to expand their repertoire of contention and to contest the clientelistic and corporatist aspects of the interdependent power relationship they had established with Fujimori and the State. Chapter One offers a portrait of the social, economic, and political context in the years leading up to Fujimori's election. Chapter Two constructs a theoretical framework for the case of the women's movement by interweaving theories of clientelism, corporatism, and political opportunities. I outline, in Chapter Three, the data and methods used to analyze the discursive and institutional activities of both the State (Chapter Four) and the women's movement (Chapter Five), while Chapter Six discusses these activities of the State and the women's movement both comparatively and longitudinally. Finally, the conclusion outlines the key contributions of this study to the fields of Latin American Studies, Social Movement Studies, and Political Sociology before offering avenues for potential future research. / acase@tulane.edu

This thesis examines the formation, development, role and behaviour of the Singapore National Employers' Federation (SNEF). Its focus is primarily the field of labour management. It addresses key issues in the role of the SNEF from its formation in 1980 to 2004, in the institutional context of Singapore's politics, economic development and industrial relations. This longitudinal study makes a substantial original contribution to understanding Singapore's leading national employers' association, and is a pioneering study of a national employers' association in East Asia. The thesis is a qualitative case-study, using fieldwork interviews, primary documents and the secondary literature as data sources. Through the critical event method, the work focuses analysis on key junctures for the SNEF's development and change during the period examined. In addition, the author employs the Sheldon and Thornthwaite (1999) model of employers' association strategy in framing the analysis of the thesis' central questions, and in examining SNEF's strategic decisions in response to changes in its external environment. By analysing how the SNEF's external roles and internal relations changed during each period, the research draws attention to the dynamic nature of this employers' association in the rapidly changing conditions marking Singapore's development. Given the central role of the People's Action Party (PAP) in Singaporean society, a central theme of this thesis is how the SNEF balances political pressures from Singapore's government-dominated corporatist system, with the needs of its diversified membership. The narrative core of the thesis identifies five distinct periods of Singaporean industrial relations - through the lens of the SNEF - reflecting larger economic developments through which the government guided the economy and society. The thesis finds that, while the SNEF is an independent and apolitical organisation, it is nevertheless deeply embedded in the Singaporean variant of corporatism. Accordingly, the SNEF's role and behaviour are inherently guided by the PAP's ideology of pragmatism and, in Singapore, sectoral interests deferred to and institutionally served national interests.

After 1978, Chinese government initiated the transformation of the relationship between state and society. It was a process that the actor of state retreated gradually from market and society, meanwhile market and society developed slowly in the space which released by state. The state had different attitude toward market and society, as a result the market made a quicker development than the society. The society developed in the state and the market. The trade association in China could be divided into three types: state-led, spontaneous and eclectic. All of them are founded in the space released by state and the market. It reflected that in planned economy the trade associations still could be driven by the market. The trend of trade promotion associations¡¦ development are the state-led trade promotion associations will become more independently, and it would turn into the modern trade management system. Also the spontaneous promotion associations would develop fast. At that time, it would be hard to differentiate these two kind trade associations. According to the analysis above, the conclusion of this study are: First, Chinese government should continue to reform the SOEs, abolish the unsuitable privilege of administration department and rebuild the state-led trade associations. Second, give support to the newly build trade promotion associations and encourage the creative thinking. Third, cancel the dual management system and implement the systematic management. Fourth, allow the rational competition and regularize the behaviors of trade promotion associations. Finally, complete the supervised system, make the specific rules for trade promotion associations and develop other economical NGOs to make the balance effect.

Most of researchers put stress on Taiwan¡¦s state transitional regimes in relations to State corporatism or the possibility of Social corporatism. But it¡¦s rare to find researches and literatures that explore Taiwan¡¦s corporatist concertation status between its government and labor unions. This study collects and discusses some main Western theories and Taiwan¡¦s researches of corporatism, and to explore the development of corporatism during different periods of Taiwan by using the connotations of those reviews. The study focuses on five stages as below: the stage of corporatism without labor (1949-1986), of authoritarian corporatism after the abolition of Martial Law (1987- 1992), of state corporatism in democratizing (1993-1999),of developmental democratic corporatism (2000-2004), and the stage of re-developmental democratic corporatism(2004- 2008). The former three stages under KMT government, labor union¡¦s system performed as Monist- Corporatism, and the latter two came with Taiwan¡¦s democratic consolidation. Therefore, with the developing plural society and the party rotation in 2000, the Monist-Corporatism system had been strongly impacted, and the monopolistic Chinese Federation of Labor also broken into four national labor units which had been recognized and admitted by DPP government. The study shows some formalization of informal horizontal concertation, inexplicit corporatist level types, the pattern with neo-corporatist properties, and certain characteristics of social corporatism through the governmental arrangements of Economic Development Advisory Conference (2001), and the local, industrial social dialogues, also the National Social Dialogue Round Table Meetings; those were held recently with conceptions of social partnership and tripartism. And the study also indicates Taiwan as a case of low degree model of corporatist concertation with the lack of formal vertical institution and the like at the present stage.

Human society in the 21st century, population pressures brought about by globalization, the unequal distribution of environmental hazards, and a variety of public issues become not by the traditional government alone; has been, non-governmental organization (NGO) in the global the role in a variety of topics, are the key to lead the relationship between state and society in the discussions of civil society and international governance, the NGO has become increasingly critical, even in order to achieve democracy, with human rights, a indicators. After 1978, the Communist Party power succession by designated has passed three generations. 2012, mainland China's power struggle with severe economic test can reveal the opportunity for Chinese mainland state machine transition is not yet known; But no matter how, recalling the moment in 2008, it was a in the north hosting the Olympic Games to the international community show the elements of national power, surprisingly actually first in the Southern earthquake relief shown. The Corporatism defined the mode of interdependence between the NGOs and the government is built on the concept of exchange, of which the most important connotation is the country's laws, institutions and regulations; the organization can not just exist with its own objectives and efficiency relevant professional space must comply with the external specification, which includes the cultural system, moral values. National units the role of classification screening system for the development of mainland China NGO, the NGO in the process of development, whether it can have more than "Legitimacy" is even more important.

none

Abstract This thesis mainly researches in the Internet development and impact of Mainland China. With the theory of corporatism, it also analyzes the development of internet and how the control measures of the Communist Party of China change the relation between state and society . This thesis has reviewed why the Communist Party of China developed the Internet and its restrictions and present situation of Internet. However, the Internet users have tried everything to obtain the unaccessible message. Recently, every leader of the Communist Party of China has declared for the development of Internet sequentially. At the same time, they still insist the restriction of Internet and even aggravated it with the technology of western network information corporations. In the past two years, the Mainland China has established the association of China Internet made up of Internet Services Providers as a medium to control increasing Internet users by staging self-control actions and settin report procedures. But the Communist Party of China still fails to get rid of the dilemma of controlling or developing the Internet.

The Swedish Environment Protection Act (SEPA) was implemented in 1969 and constituted the first comprehensive Swedish regulation of industry-induced environmental externalities. In keeping with a longstanding corporatist tradition, Swedish policymakers aimed to establish a cooperative climate with industrial producers and instructed the regulatory authorities to strive to reach consensual agreements with affected firms. Despite such accommodations, the environmental adaptation of Swedish industrial production proceeded at a greater pace, during the 1970’s and 1980’s, than in most comparable countries, many of which had implemented seemingly more stringent environmental regulations than had Sweden. This thesis seeks to identify the firm level incentives behind this process, by examining the economic impact of the SEPA upon one of the more pollution-intensive branches of Swedish industrial production, the pulp and paper industry. Guided by previous research, an hypothesis is proposed in which the implementation of the SEPA came to aid the structural rationalization of this industry during the 1970’s and 1980’s, by inducing the exit of marginal, small-scale pulp and paper mills, thereby relaxing the prevailing competition over wood resources and available market space and creating more room for expansion within the surviving mills. As larger firms tend to operate larger mills, the hypothesized effects are suggested to have benefited large-scale producers within the industry, at the expense of their smaller rivals.   The findings of the thesis show that the economic effects of the SEPA were more severe for small as compared to large-scale mills and that regulatory requirements for pollution abatement did contribute to the shutdown of several small-scale mills during the 1970’s and 1980’s. No conclusive evidence could, however, be found for the validity of the thesis’ hypothesis as a whole, as these shutdowns were not predominantly administered by small-scale firms, as predicted by the hypothesis. Rather, the vast majority of these shutdowns were accounted for by some of the largest firms within the industry. Some tentative evidence was found, however, that the implementation of the SEPA may have benefitted certain large-scale producers within the industry, by facilitating acquisitions of smaller firms with valuable assets.

This thesis examines the formation, development, role and behaviour of the Singapore National Employers' Federation (SNEF). Its focus is primarily the field of labour management. It addresses key issues in the role of the SNEF from its formation in 1980 to 2004, in the institutional context of Singapore's politics, economic development and industrial relations. This longitudinal study makes a substantial original contribution to understanding Singapore's leading national employers' association, and is a pioneering study of a national employers' association in East Asia. The thesis is a qualitative case-study, using fieldwork interviews, primary documents and the secondary literature as data sources. Through the critical event method, the work focuses analysis on key junctures for the SNEF's development and change during the period examined. In addition, the author employs the Sheldon and Thornthwaite (1999) model of employers' association strategy in framing the analysis of the thesis' central questions, and in examining SNEF's strategic decisions in response to changes in its external environment. By analysing how the SNEF's external roles and internal relations changed during each period, the research draws attention to the dynamic nature of this employers' association in the rapidly changing conditions marking Singapore's development. Given the central role of the People's Action Party (PAP) in Singaporean society, a central theme of this thesis is how the SNEF balances political pressures from Singapore's government-dominated corporatist system, with the needs of its diversified membership. The narrative core of the thesis identifies five distinct periods of Singaporean industrial relations - through the lens of the SNEF - reflecting larger economic developments through which the government guided the economy and society. The thesis finds that, while the SNEF is an independent and apolitical organisation, it is nevertheless deeply embedded in the Singaporean variant of corporatism. Accordingly, the SNEF's role and behaviour are inherently guided by the PAP's ideology of pragmatism and, in Singapore, sectoral interests deferred to and institutionally served national interests.