The International Labour Organisation (ILO) is dedicated to achieving social justice throughout the world. It specifically recognises the right to collective bargaining as one of the main drivers of its ambitions. It desires to achieve social justice through various Conventions and Recommendations. South Africa as a member of ILO constitutionally recognises the right to engage in collective bargaining. The Labour Relations Act (LRA) advocates for the establishment of bargaining councils in various sectors in the country to effectively recognise this right. This study predominantly focuses on the efficiency of these councils as tools for collective bargaining. The study is intended to ultimately provide a lesson to Lesotho. Trade unions in Lesotho’s garment industry are adamant that bargaining councils are the solution to the country’s collective bargaining woes. Specific attention is paid to the history of collective bargaining in the two countries to firstly indicate the inter relation of the bargaining framework in the two countries and to trace the origins of the bargaining councils in South Africa’s set up. The role of these councils is examined, with prime attention placed on the advantages and disadvantages of industry level bargaining. The Constitutions of the National Textile Bargaining Council and The National Bargaining Council for the Manufacturing Industry are examined to determine the roles these councils play in the collective bargaining framework of South Africa. Attention is also paid to the procedures required for the establishment of these councils. The challenges facing this form of bargaining are also outlined, with prime attention being given to the cases in South African courts that are a potential threat to the bargaining council system in South Africa. The study culminates in conclusions on the bargaining framework in South Africa and provides recommendations on ways to improve the collective bargaining framework in the country. This subsequently provides a platform for the lessons that Lesotho should learn from the framework in South Africa. The study ultimately concludes that bargaining councils are efficient tools for the promotion of collective bargaining. They, however, are not a desirable solution for the collective bargaining problems faced in Lesotho’s context. / LLM (Labour Law), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2015

The International Labour Organisation (ILO) is dedicated to achieving social justice throughout the world. It specifically recognises the right to collective bargaining as one of the main drivers of its ambitions. It desires to achieve social justice through various Conventions and Recommendations. South Africa as a member of ILO constitutionally recognises the right to engage in collective bargaining. The Labour Relations Act (LRA) advocates for the establishment of bargaining councils in various sectors in the country to effectively recognise this right. This study predominantly focuses on the efficiency of these councils as tools for collective bargaining. The study is intended to ultimately provide a lesson to Lesotho. Trade unions in Lesotho’s garment industry are adamant that bargaining councils are the solution to the country’s collective bargaining woes. Specific attention is paid to the history of collective bargaining in the two countries to firstly indicate the inter relation of the bargaining framework in the two countries and to trace the origins of the bargaining councils in South Africa’s set up. The role of these councils is examined, with prime attention placed on the advantages and disadvantages of industry level bargaining. The Constitutions of the National Textile Bargaining Council and The National Bargaining Council for the Manufacturing Industry are examined to determine the roles these councils play in the collective bargaining framework of South Africa. Attention is also paid to the procedures required for the establishment of these councils. The challenges facing this form of bargaining are also outlined, with prime attention being given to the cases in South African courts that are a potential threat to the bargaining council system in South Africa. The study culminates in conclusions on the bargaining framework in South Africa and provides recommendations on ways to improve the collective bargaining framework in the country. This subsequently provides a platform for the lessons that Lesotho should learn from the framework in South Africa. The study ultimately concludes that bargaining councils are efficient tools for the promotion of collective bargaining. They, however, are not a desirable solution for the collective bargaining problems faced in Lesotho’s context. / LLM (Labour Law), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2015

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This paper considers empirically whether preference-based (empirical) power indices differ significantly from their preference-free (theoretical) counterparts. Drawing on the to date most comprehensive sample of EU Council votes (1993-2011), we use item-response models to estimate the EU27 member states' preferences (ideal points) in a one-dimensional policy space. Their posterior distributions are then used for the calculation of empirical versions of the Banzhaf, the Shapley-Shubik, and other power indices, invoking the concepts of connected coalitions and bloc voting. Our ideal point estimates point to significant differences in member states' preferences, which often translate into significant differences of empirical (versus theoretical) power under individual voting. However, the formation of voting blocs appears to offset differences in countries' ideal points as the bloc size grows. Interestingly, this result does not hold up for the Shapley-Shubik index, whose empirical variant differs from the theoretical one both under individual and bloc voting. (authors' abstract) / Series: Department of Economics Working Paper Series

This thesis is a retrospective analysis of British social realism. It combines conventional academic research with professional screenwriting practice in the genre. By definition, at its advent Social Realism employed documentary realist devices to explore the inequalities of society with the objective of stimulating socio-political debate about this imbalance and thus social reform. However, contemporary forms of social realism have emerged much more depoliticised, drawing on similar subject matter but using decontextualised narrative strategies. The commitment to truth now seems to consist of an aesthetic, as opposed to a sociological imperative.

How is a veto justified? Within the discipline of International Relations, discourse analysis is gaining a higher status. However, there is a surprising lacuna in the literature as a discursive approach to the veto in the United Nations Security Council, is yet to be taken. This is unfortunate, given the Security Council’s prominence. The way in which the council members make meaning through their word choice has profound effects for politics in the international system. There is, nonetheless, a growing debate on the functioning of the council, and the veto-power is an important object of contestation. Motivated by current veto-restraining initiatives, this thesis performs a discourse analysis on the 19 cast vetoes between 2005-2016. The actors of relevance are the permanent Security Council members China, Russia, and the US, and the study demonstrates how the concepts of sovereignty, intervention and legitimacy are employed in the discursive construction of the legitimate veto. The thesis further argues that there are patterns and reoccurring themes in the way meaning is created that can be summarized into a contra-discourse —a veto-discourse —contrasting the dominating discourse within the Security Council.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2001. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: After being sidelined for a number of years, South Africa finds itself readmitted to the international community. One of the many issues at stake now is the reform of the United Nations Security Council. This study looks at South Africa's aim to make substantial changes in the international system, with the Security Council being one of the target institutions. This is a mammoth task for South Africa and the study points out the challenges that go with engaging in this process. The study points out an element of ambiguity in South Africa's foreign policy and the challenges that go with making multilateralism a cornerstone of such a policy. While it is not yet clear as to whether South Africa will succeed in changing the behaviour of states and the practice of multilateral institutions, it is at the moment participating in debates that might lead to such changes. South Africa's participation in the Open Ended Working Committee on the reform of the United Nations Security Council constitutes one move among others to ensure a change in the practice of the Security Council. The limits of making multilateralism a cornerstone of foreign policy are outlined with the aim of making policy-makers aware of the implications of the broad scope of their ambiguous foreign policy. While it is necessary to avoid engaging in assignments that might be difficult to manage, the need for South Africa to focus only on what is achievable and not to try and punch above its weight is one aspect this paper emphasises. The paper ends by making recommendations, which include (among others) that South Africa should attempt to secure a seat in the reformed Security Council should such an opportunity arise, but only after a careful consideration of her abilities. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Na jare van politieke isolasie is Suid-Afrika weer 'n volwaardige lid van die internasionale gemeenskap. Die hervorming van die Verenigde Nasies (VN) se Veiligheidsraad, het binne die konteks van buitelandse beleid, een van die land se vernaamste uitdagings geword. Hierdie studie plaas Suid-Afrika se hervormingspogings van die internasionale stelselonder die soeklig, en fokus veralop die rol van die VN Veiligheidsraad. Die omvang van dié proses kan nie onderskat word nie, en die studie poog om die vernaamste uitdagings van hierdie hervormings te identifiseer. Die opdrag poog om te wys op 'n mate van teenstrydigheid wat in Suid- Afrika se buitelandse beleid te bespeur is, asook die uitdagings verbonde aan die vestiging van multilaterale betrekkinge as hoeksteen van sodanige beleid. Hoewel daar nog nie duidelikheid bestaan oor die mate van sukses wat die land behaal het met betrekking tot die gedrag van state en die praktyk van multilaterale betrekkinge nie, neem dit tans deel aan debate wat mag lei tot beleidsverandering in hierdie velde. Suid-Afrika se deelname aan die VN Veiligheidraad se Ope Werkskonunittees, rakende die hervorming van hierdie liggaam, is een voorbeeld van die land se verbintenis tot die verandering van Veiligheidsraad praktyke. Die beperkings rakende mulilaterale betrekkinge, 'n steunpilaar van internasionale beleid, word uitgelig ten einde beleidsmakers bewus te maak van die omvattende aard van 'n dikwels, onduidelike, buitelandse beleid. Die opdrag benadruk die feit dat Suid-Afrika sal moet poog om slegs betrokke te raak in internasionale aksies wat binne sy vermoëns val. Dit word afgesluit met 'n aantal aanbevelings. Een hiervan is 'n pleidooi dat Suid-Afrika permanente lidmaatskap van die 'n hervormde Veiligheidsraad verkry indien die geleentheid dit voordoen. Sodanige deelname kan egter eers geskied na deeglike oorweging van die land se vermoës binne hierdie sfeer.

<p>The purpose of this thesis is to determine whether the student councils at two schools really have the power to influence, or if it is a matter of mock democracy. I wanted to determine how the student councils work in reality. I conducted my investigation through personal and qualitative interviews with the board of the student council, a social studies teacher and the principle/school management at both schools. After the interviews I compared an analysed my findings. The results show that the two schools work very differently when it comes to studentdemocracy, and even have very different levels of ambition when it comes to the degree of influence that the student council should have at their respective schools. Still, in reality the council at both schools function much the same. They are not fully functional and don’t manage to accomplish much, other than basic things like what the school should look like or which shirts the council should have. My opinion is that there seems be some extent of mock democracy at one of the schools, but that at the same timed there is the need to further examine and determine what studentdemocracy really means today, and should mean in the future, in the context of student councils. Otherwise the schools will never have a fully functional student council.</p>

<p><strong>Background:</strong> Kaplan and Norton developed the Balanced Scorecard in 1992. This framework has given the management the opportunity to better understand how the organization is functioning. Communication is the vital factor for success with the Balanced Scorecard and the organization. Nowadays, in a world of rapid change and competition the organizations face an untold quantity of leadership challenges, and by applying the Balanced Scorecard the management will get the chance to achieve results by putting their strategies into action. The Jönköping County Council is responsible for the healthcare within its area, and is one of numerous organizations that have implemented the Balanced Scorecard.</p><p><strong>Purpose:</strong> The purpose of this study is to investigate the reasons the healthcare department within Jönköping County Council applied the Balanced Scorecard, how they use it, and to understand from their perspective how it benefits them. In addition to this we will present advice from employees to the management that is considering implementing the tool.</p><p><strong>Method:</strong> This is a qualitative study with an abductive approach, where we used both primary and secondary data in this research paper. The primary data was gathered through interviews with different departments at Jönköping County Council, which contributed to different views on the use of the Balanced Scorecard. Theories about the Balanced Scorecard were gathered through secondary data.</p><p><strong>Results/conclusions:</strong> Overall the management at Jönköping County Council are pleased and satisfied with the Balanced Scorecard. In addition to this they are all motivated and engaged in using the framework. However, they believe that the main drawbacks with the Balanced Scorecard are to make employees understand and connect the daily work to the framework, as well as finding the “correct” numerical values that reflects the organization. The benefits according to the management are the multidimensional view of the organization through the four perspectives in the Balanced Scorecard, and also the fact that they now have a framework which encourage the staff to strive to achieve a unison vision through action plans. The nursing staff was not aware of the term ‘Balanced Scorecard’ or the four perspectives, and therefore wanted to get more information about it from their executives, since they are expected to work in accordance with the framework. Through interviews with the upper- and middle management and the nursing staff we can draw the conclusion that the Jönköping County Council implemented the Balanced Scorecard since they wanted to have a system that could be used at all levels within the organization, this to get an overview and a better control of what is happening within the business.</p>

There is no abstract available for this dissertation.