Tο γονίδιο COUP-TF κωδικοποιεί έναν ορφανό υποδοχέα ο οποίος δρα ως μεταγραφικός παράγοντας και ανήκει στην υπεροικογένεια των υποδοχέων των στεροειδών/ θυρεοειδών ορμονών. Στον αχινό το γονίδιο COUP-TF εκφράζεται στο στοματικό έξώδερμα στο αναπτυξιακό στάδιο του γαστριδίου και στη βλεφαριδωτή ζώνη στο στάδιο του πλουτέα. Aργότερα κατά την ανάπτυξη της νύμφης εκφράζεται αποκλειστικά στα νευρικά κύτταρα και στον ενήλικα αχινό στις ωοθήκες, σε μυικά κύτταρα και άλλους ιστούς (Chan et.al. 1992). Στόχος των συγκεκριμένων πειραμάτων είναι η μελέτη της ρύθμισης του γονιδίου COUPTF στα αναπτυξιακά στάδια του γαστριδίου και του πλουτέα. Συγκεκριμένα, πραγματοποιήθηκε μια λεπτομερής ανάλυση της ανοδικής περιοχής του γονιδίου COUP-TF με σκοπό να καθοριστούν τα ιστοειδικά και χρονοειδικά στοιχεία που επηρεάζουν τη ρύθμιση. Προς το σκοπό αυτό αναγνωρίστηκε το σημείο έναρξης της μεταγραφής του γονιδίου. Kατόπιν, απομονώθηκε ανοδική περιοχή μεγέθους 2kb περίπου, από το +14 έως το -1930. Tο τμήμα αυτό κλωνοποιήθηκε σε φορέα που φέρει το γονίδιο αναφοράς GFP, καθώς και το βασικό υποκινητή του γονιδίου Endo16. Από το αρχικό αυτό κατασκεύασμα, δημιουργήθηκαν διαδοχικά ανοδικά ελλείμματα της περιοχής αυτής με τη μέθοδο της PCR. Eπιπλέον απομονώθηκαν επιμέρους μικρά ανοδικά τμήματα που δεν περιείχαν το βασικό υποκινητή του COUP-TF και κλωνοποιήθηκαν και αυτά στον ίδιο φορέα. Όλα τα κατασκευάσματα ενέθηκαν σε γονιμοποιημένα αυγά αχινού και μελετήθηκε το πρότυπο έκφρασης της πρωτεΐνης GFP στα στάδια του γαστριδίου και του πλουτέα. Tα αποτελέσματα έδειξαν ότι οι πρώτες 1079 βάσεις ανοδικά του +1 φέρουν τα απαραίτητα ρυθμιστικά στοιχεία για την έκφραση του COUP-TF στο στοματικό εξώδερμα και στο μεσέγχυμα. Eπιπλέον, η περιοχή από -232 έως -532 περιέχει έναν ενισχυτή της έκφρασης του COUP-TF στο στοματικό εξώδερμα ενώ το τμήμα από -1398 έως - 1639 έναν ενισχυτή της έκφρασης στο μεσέγχυμα. Ανοδικά του -1639 έως το -1930 περιέχεται ένας ισχυρός καταστολέας για την έκφραση του COUP-TF στο στοματικό εξώδερμα. Tα αποτελέσματα των ενέσεων με τα μικρά ανοδικά τμήματα επιβεβαιώνουν τα αποτελέσματα με τα διαδοχικά ανοδικά ελλείμματα και αναδεικνύουν ότι τα ρυθμιστικά στοιχεία που είναι απαραίτητα για την έκφραση του γονιδίου στο στοματικό εξώδερμα βρίσκονται στο τμήμα μεταξύ -232 και -1079. Η μελέτη ολόκληρης της ανοδικής περιοχής (έως -1930) δεν αναγνώρισε κάποιο τμήμα το οποίο να καταστέλλει την εκτοπική έκφραση του γονιδίου αναφοράς στα 7 μεσεγχυματικά κύτταρα. Η πραγματοποίηση κατασκευασμάτων που περιείχαν εκτός της ανοδικής περιοχής και την 5΄μη μεταφραζόμενη περιοχή οδήγησαν σε καταστολή της έκφρασης της GFP σε όλες τις κυτταρικές γραμμές. Η ανεύρεση στην 5’ μη μεταφραζόμενη περιοχή ενός στοιχείου απόκρισης για τον COUP-TF μας οδηγεί στην υπόθεση της πιθανής αυτορρύθμισης και συγκεκριμένα της αυτοκαταστολής του COUP-TF. / -

The purpose of this study is to examine the acoustic implications of using aspirated, well-coordinated, coup de la glotte, and hard glottal onset methods, in order to compare and contrast the radiated acoustic spectra. Twenty-five singers trained in bel canto singing style were asked to sing 5-second samples on three pre-determined pitches comprising the low, middle, and high range in male and female voices. Each participant was instructed and trained to sing the three pitches with the four methods. EGG was used with audio perception to verify onset type, and VoceVista Video Pro was used to analyze power spectra. A repeated measures multivariate analysis of variance (rMANOVA) was performed with the SPSS General Linear Model function, with onset type as the within-subjects variable to determine main effects and interaction effects on harmonic amplitude (up to 5000Hz) from the independent variables. A significant main effect was found for onset type and more specifically, a significant acoustic difference was found between the well-coordinated and coup de la glotte onsets. Substantial inconsistencies were found in the execution of the well-coordinated onset, as well as in participants' reported preferred onset compared to their baseline measurement of executed onset type. Intentional study of the phonatory onset beginning with adducted folds and low subglottal pressure may have important acoustic and efficiency consequences for bel canto singers. There is a need for specificity regarding the prephonatory glottal configuration in vocal pedagogy and voice science research, and a numerical classification system may provide a clearer picture in future onset investigations.

No description available.

The thesis attempts to account for the social and political conditions which precipitated the military coup d'etat in 1967 in Greece. Part I focuses on the Hellenic Armed Forces as a power centre in the Greek political system erected on the ruins of the civil war (1946 - 1949 ). The roots of the Army's political role are traced back to the circumstances which gave rise to the civil war and the country's dependence on foreign powers. The nature of the Greek military's dependence on foreign powers is also brought into perspective. A p.rticu1ar chapter is devoted to the discussion of the sources of the Army's economic and social power as well as describing the socio-political and professional portrait of the Greek officer cotps and their politics. Part II deals with the complex relationships between the principal state institutions, the Monarchy, Parliament and the Armed Forces. Their individual strengths and weaknesses, and conflicts between them, are analysed in conjunction with the various pressures and influences exerted upon them from within and without. Part 111 studies the impact of a certain model of capitalist development on the socio-political changes which occurred in Greece in the post civil-war era (1950-1967). The form of state and the resultant political divisions, and their r1ationshi p to the social and political movements of the period are also examined in some detail. The conditions of the regime's stability and change are linked to the country's 'political institutions by applying the concepts of political mobilisation, political participation, political integration and institutionalisation.Part IV emines the crisis of the post civil-war state in Greece and attempts to cast light on the important political changes in the period 1963-1967 and on the relationship of a deepening and all embracing political crisis to the actual staging of the military coup d'tat of 1967. A necessary chronological account of events is combined with an examination of actual political practices, policies, conduct and tactics applied by the main protagonistic political forces. Finally, a concluding chapter focuses specifically on various theoretical approaches and interpretations of the role of the Hellenic Armed Forces in Greek politics over the period concerned and their ultimate intervention. The substantive conclusions of the thesis are placed into the context of a theoretical discussion which attempts to account for the post-war rise of military and authoritatian regimes in peripheral and semiperipheral capitalist societies

Depuis l’abolition de la monarchie absolue en 1932, le royaume a connu des situations politiques variées : les activités « contre-révolutionnaires » des royalistes ; l’arrivée au pouvoir des militaires ; l’émergence de nouvelles classes politiques ; les massacres de civils ; les compromis entre les militaires, les royalistes et les progressistes ; l’incertitude sur l’avenir du royaume et de la couronne... L’échec de la transition démocratique thaïlandaise est expliqué généralement par un argument convenu : l’immaturité de la société thaïlandaise ; la démocratie libérale de type occidental ne serait pas appropriée pour le pays, notamment pour des « pauvres ruraux ignorants » ; l’armée est le seul acteur capable d’encadrer le développement d’une démocratie. Pourtant, cette étude présente une explication alternative ; elle démontre que la vie politique du royaume est déterminée par trois axes du pouvoir : les élites traditionnelles, dont la monarchie, l’armée et la haute fonction publique ; c’est cette situation qui explique l’échec du progrès démocratique. Et le coup d’État est la méthode préférée pour protéger le statu quo ; quant à la constitution thaïlandaise est semblable à une « lettre morte » ou à un « instrument de la politique au quotidien » ; elle ne représente plus la norme suprême qui exprime l’idéologie politique du pays ; au contraire, elle est utilisée non seulement pour légitimer a posteriori un coup d’État, mais également pour défendre la domination politique des groupes dominants. Nous pouvons donc conclure que le coup d’État thaïlandais est déclenché par l’armée royale avec l’appui de la monarchie et son réseau de conseillers ; puis, il est justifié par le roi et le judiciaire, en assurant l’impunité de ses auteurs par les lois et la constitution. / Since the abolition of absolute monarchy in 1932, the kingdom has experienced the various political situations: the ‘counter-revolution’ of the royalists, the dictatorial regime, the emergence of the new middle classes, the massacres of civilians, the political compromise, the uncertainty about the future of the kingdom and the crown… The failure of a transition to democracy is usually explained by the usual arguments: the political immaturity of Thai society, the ‘Western-style liberal democracy’ would not be appropriate for the country especially for ‘the ignorant masses’, the army is the only actor, who capable to promote democracy. However, this study presents an alternative explanation. It demonstrates that the political life of the kingdom is determined by three axes of power: traditional elites, including the monarchy, the army and the senior civil servant. It is this situation that explains the failure of the democratic process. And the coup is the traditional method to protect their status quo. As for the constitution, it is similar to a ‘dead letter’ or an ‘instrument of everyday politics’. It isn’t represented as supreme norm that expresses the country’s political ideology. On the contrary, it is used not only to legitimize a coup, but also to defend the political domination of the traditional elites. We can conclude that the Thai coups are triggered by the royal army with the support of the monarchy. Then, justified by the king and the judiciary, and assuring the impunity by the laws and the constitutions.

This study combines qualitative and quantitative procedures  in order to make possible a Most Different Systems Design (MDSD) analysis which systematically compares two countries in order to identify factors which play a role in coup d’état occurrences after the Cold War. By developing a systems framework that lays the ground for subsequent analysis, an encompassing view of the potential underlying conditions of the coup occurrence are taken into account. This systems framework is subsequently operationalized for a sample of 35 countries which all experienced coup d’état between 1990 and 2010. In order to use MDSD, the most different countries are identified using Boolean distances. Ethiopia and Honduras were found to be the most different and were compared and contrasted according to the systems framework. The study concludes that for coup occurrences in Honduras and Ethiopia, the lack of an external national threat, secularizing tendencies, and past coup occurrences played a major role.  Democratizing tendencies after the coups in both countries were a vital signal that the influence of global democratic norms does create incentives for countries to hold elections after a coup. Interestingly, the political system of the country and demographic factors such as ethnicity, religion and language did not appear as important for the coup outcome in these countries.

<p>This study combines qualitative and quantitative procedures  in order to make possible a Most Different Systems Design (MDSD) analysis which systematically compares two countries in order to identify factors which play a role in coup d’état occurrences after the Cold War. By developing a systems framework that lays the ground for subsequent analysis, an encompassing view of the potential underlying conditions of the coup occurrence are taken into account. This systems framework is subsequently operationalized for a sample of 35 countries which all experienced coup d’état between 1990 and 2010. In order to use MDSD, the most different countries are identified using Boolean distances. Ethiopia and Honduras were found to be the most different and were compared and contrasted according to the systems framework. The study concludes that for coup occurrences in Honduras and Ethiopia, the lack of an external national threat, secularizing tendencies, and past coup occurrences played a major role.  Democratizing tendencies after the coups in both countries were a vital signal that the influence of global democratic norms does create incentives for countries to hold elections after a coup. Interestingly, the political system of the country and demographic factors such as ethnicity, religion and language did not appear as important for the coup outcome in these countries.</p>

Dissertation--Åbo akademi university, 2004. / Bibliogr. p. 404-426.

Issued also as the author's thesis, Zürich, 1933. / At head of title: Ouvrage publié sous les auspices du Laboratoire de Recherches Hydrauliques annexé à l'École Polytechnique Fédérale, à Zurich. "Bibliographie": p. [267]-268.

One of the military establishments that have gained considerable power and autonomy, and it is out of reach of civilian control, is the Royal Thai Army (RTA). In Thailand, coups have become the norm for change of political leadership and government, and has evolved in a cyclical pattern – starting with a coup, followed by an election and a short period of open politics, before a crisis leading to another coup. The majority of Thai people support military interventions when the government is incapable of ruling, but at the same time appear to desire a democratic state and democratic institutions.  With frequent military intervention, democracy in Thailand is fragile. When compared to other cases of military coups in other parts of the world, military takeovers are often violent and not approved of by its own citizens. Therefore, the case of Thailand is unusual and relevant because the latest interventions (2006 and 2014) were considered bloodless, and the RTA succeeded in gaining power and legitimacy from the support of the people without accomplishing political takeovers through armed and violent means. The strategic arguments the RTA uses to gain justificiation can be related to the discourses of security, corruption and monarchy, and it is apparent that the military has been using the rhetorics of the discourses to legitimize their coups.