Nosso objetivo, nesta dissertação, é analisar a partir de uma metodologia empírico-indutiva com foco na descrição e na interpretação de dados linguísticos rumo a uma crítica sociodiscursiva a polêmica travada nas mídias online entre conservadores e liberais acerca da imigração Sul-Sul, motivada por uma declaração do deputado federal Jair Bolsonaro (2015), que qualificava esse conjunto de imigrantes como a escória do mundo. Tal polêmica se estendeu ao longo de dez textos, em um corpus composto por uma variedade de gêneros dentre os quais destacamos reportagens, artigos, editoriais e vídeos na plataforma YouTube. O arcabouço teórico central da pesquisa consiste nos Estudos Críticos do Discurso (Fairclough, 2003; Melo, 2012; van Dijk, 2014; Gonçalves-Segundo, 2018a), uma abordagem multidisciplinar voltada ao exame da dimensão semiótica de problemas sociais. Em termos de convergência teórica, procedeu-se a um diálogo com os estudos sociais, históricos e antropológicos sobre a imigração, com a Linguística Cognitiva e, especialmente, com a Teoria da Argumentação. Em termos da prática analítica, partimos, inicialmente, do modelo de argumentação epistêmica de Toulmin (2006[1958]) e de argumentação prática de Fairclough e Fairclough (2012) para descrever os movimentos argumentativos de cada texto e entender de que forma liberais e conservadores sustentavam suas posições favorável e desfavorável à imigração na cadeia textual. Finda essa etapa, valemo-nos das categorias linguístico-cognitivas de analogia, metáfora e posicionamento epistêmico para verificar de que forma tais representações eram conceptualmente perspectivadas, processo que está diretamente relacionado com o grau de convencimento e de persuasão da argumentação em análise. Com base nesse procedimento, pudemos constatar que conservadores tendem a conceber os imigrantes Sul-Sul como potencialmente criminosos, como um fardo para a economia do país e como fundamentalistas e, portanto, resistentes à assimilação cultural, de modo que a sua entrada no país deva ser controlada e bloqueada. O principal valor mobilizado por esse grupo é a segurança, sustentada na crença de que o Estado é capaz de fiscalizar o contingente imigratório e que as Forças Armadas são um aliado nesse processo. Predomina, nesse discurso, o uso de recursos evidenciais perceptivos e analogias associadas à construção do imigrante como criminoso e como fardo. Já no que se refere ao discurso liberal, pudemos depreender que não se tende a conceber os imigrantes Sul-Sul como criminosos, e sim, como um instrumento para o progresso do país, dotado de capacidade de assimilação cultural; seu peso para o Estado não deriva do seu estatuto de imigrante em si, mas do grau de implementação do Estado de Bem-Estar Social do país receptor. Os principais valores que sustentam esse discurso são o mérito e a liberdade, especialmente, a livre circulação. É relevante, nesse discurso, o uso de recursos evidenciais comunicativos e analogias associadas à desconstrução do imigrante como fardo e criminoso, equiparando-os aos imigrantes que vieram ao Brasil no fim do século XIX e no início do século XX. / Our objective in this dissertation is to analyze from an empirical-inductive methodology with a focus on the description and interpretation of linguistic data towards a sociodiscursive critique the polemics caught in the online media between conservatives and liberals about South-South migration towards Brasil, motivated by a statement by Congressman Jair Bolsonaro (2015), who called this group of immigrants \"the scoria of the world.\" This polemics has spread over ten texts, in a corpus composed of a variety of genres, among which we highlight reports, articles, editorials and videos on the YouTube platform. The central theoretical framework of the research consists of the Critical Discourse Studies (Fairclough, 2003; Melo, 2012; van Dijk, 2014; Gonçalves-Segundo, 2018a), a multidisciplinary approach aimed at examining the semiotic dimension of social problems. In terms of theoretical convergence, a dialogue was held with social, historical and anthropological studies on immigration, with Cognitive Linguistics and, especially, with Argumentation Theory. In terms of analytical practice, we start with Toulmin\'s (2006[1958]) epistemic reasoning model and Fairclough & Faircloughs (2012) practical reasoning model to describe the argumentative movements of each text and to understand how liberals and conservatives supported their positions favorable and unfavorable to immigration in the textual chain. After this stage, we use the cognitive- linguistic categories of analogy, metaphor and epistemic positioning to verify how these representations were construed, a process that is directly related to ones ability to convince and persuade in the argumentation under analysis. Based on this procedure, we could see that conservatives tend to conceive South-South immigrants as potentially criminal, as a burden to the country\'s economy, and as fundamentalists and therefore resistant to cultural assimilation, so that their entry into the country should be controlled and blocked. The main value mobilized by this group is security, based on the belief that the State is capable of supervising the immigration contingent and that the Armed Forces are an ally in this process. In this discourse, the use of perceptual evidential resources and analogies associated with the construction of the immigrant as a criminal and as a burden prevails. As far as liberal discourse is concerned, we could deduce that they do not tend to conceive South-South immigrants as criminals, but rather as an instrument for the country\'s progress, with a capacity for cultural assimilation; its weight to the state is not derived from its status as an immigrant per se, but from the degree of implementation of the welfare state of the receiving country. The main values that support this discourse are merit and freedom, especially free movement of people. It is relevant, in this discourse, the use of communicative evidential resources and analogies associated with the deconstruction of the immigrant as a burden and criminal, equating them with the immigrants who came to Brazil in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century.

Submitted by Morgana Andrade (morgana.andrade@ufes.br) on 2016-03-17T15:48:28Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) tese_9059_Dissertação Raquelli Natale PDF.pdf: 1958630 bytes, checksum: 2fb61d6473e43c617fafa8a12e9ad5c9 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Patricia Barros (patricia.barros@ufes.br) on 2016-03-17T16:59:27Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) tese_9059_Dissertação Raquelli Natale PDF.pdf: 1958630 bytes, checksum: 2fb61d6473e43c617fafa8a12e9ad5c9 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-17T16:59:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) tese_9059_Dissertação Raquelli Natale PDF.pdf: 1958630 bytes, checksum: 2fb61d6473e43c617fafa8a12e9ad5c9 (MD5) / CAPES e Fapes / O objetivo principal deste trabalho é analisar como os meios de comunicação ajudam a construir a representação social da violência de gênero contra a mulher no Espírito Santo, que lidera o ranking nacional de feminicídios, com taxa de 9,8 homicídios para cada 100 mil mulheres. Elegemos como corpus de pesquisa notícias sobre violência de gênero no ES, veiculadas no ano de 2013, nos jornais A Gazeta e A Tribuna. Em hipótese, acreditamos que essas notícias ajudam a construir representações sociais acerca da violência de gênero a partir da apresentação de estereótipos de vítima e agressor na sociedade, da individualização do problema da violência, da associação desse problema às classes sociais menos privilegiadas e da apresentação do crime de violência de gênero como crime passional. O estudo dessas notícias apresenta-se como algo complexo, do qual não participam apenas informações de ordem linguística, mas também de carácter social, histórico, cultural e cognitivo, uma vez que a análise discursiva não pode ser dissociada do contexto, dos atores sociais e das instituições envolvidas na produção da notícia, bem como das ideologias presentes nesse processo. Por esse motivo, assumimos como base teórica de nossa investigação uma proposta multidisciplinar: a Teoria Sociocognitiva de Teun A. van Dijk (1999a; 2011a; 2012; 2014b). Ademais, contamos com as contribuições dos estudos sobre gênero e discurso de Cameron (1985, 1997), Wodak (1997), West, Lazar e Kramarae (2000), Fernández Díaz (2003), Lazar (1993, 2005, 2007), Magalhães (2005; 2009), Heberle, Ostermann e Figueiredo (2006). Além das análises discursivo-analíticas, também utilizamos o programa de linguística de corpus WordSmith Tools para realizar análises quantitativas. Os resultados das análises nos levaram à confirmação das hipóteses iniciais: o discurso das notícias reforça estereótipos de vítima e agressor, típicos de uma estrutura social patriarcal, na qual é atribuída à vítima ou aos vícios (álcool e drogas) a responsabilidade da violência sofrida; além disso, a violência de gênero é apresentada como um problema individual e associada às classes sociais menos favorecidas; e, por último, o discurso das notícias apresenta grande parte dos crimes de violência de gênero como crimes passionais. / The main objective of this study is to analyze how the media help to build the social representation of gender violence the Espírito Santo, the state that leads the national ranking of femicide, with 9.8 homicide rate for every hundred thousand women. Elected as corpus research news on gender violence in ES, aired in 2013, in the newspapers A Gazeta and A Tribuna. Under no circumstances, we believe that this news helps to build social representations of gender violence from the presentation of victim and perpetrator stereotypes in society, the individualization of the problem of violence, this problem Association to less privileged social classes and presentation of crime of gender violence as a crime of passion. The study of this news comes as something complex, which not only participate in information, language problems, but also social, historical, cultural and cognitive, since the discursive analysis cannot be dissociated from the context of social actors and institutions involved in the production of news, and of these ideologies in the process. For this reason, we assume as theoretical basis of our research a multidisciplinary proposal: a Sociocognitive Theory from Teun A. van Dijk (1999a; 2011a; 2012; 2014b). In addition, we rely on the contributions of studies on gender and discourse from Cameron (1985, 1997), Wodak (1997), West, Lazar and Kramarae (2000), Fernández Díaz (2003), Lazar (1993, 2005, 2007), Magellan (2005; 2009), Heberle, Ostermann and Figueiredo (2006). Also we used the corpus linguistics program WordSmith Tools to perform quantitative analysis. The results of the analysis led us to the confirmation of the initial hypothesis: the discourse of news reinforces stereotypes victim and aggressor, typical of a patriarchal social structure, which is attributed to the victim or vices (alcohol and drugs) the responsibility of the violence suffered; moreover, gender violence is presented as an individual problem and associated to lower social classes; and, finally, the discourse of the news has much of crimes of gender violence as crimes of passion.

nÃo hà / A âArgumentaÃÃo no discurso parlamentar de legitimaÃÃo da corrupÃÃo polÃticaâ, tÃtulo desta tese, tem como objetivo investigar o discurso parlamentar de legitimaÃÃo da corrupÃÃo polÃtica, com foco no exame de como se configuram as relaÃÃes entre discurso, ideologia e estratÃgias linguÃstico-discursivas. Observa-se a corrupÃÃo polÃtica pela dimensÃo discursiva, e nÃo somente pelo viÃs das ciÃncias polÃticas, de modo a perceber que hà um discurso produzido para legitimar tal prÃtica, bem como identificar os recursos velados que a naturalizam. Os Estudos CrÃticos do Discurso (ECD) embasam teoricamente a pesquisa, especificamente a abordagem sociocognitiva de van Dijk (2006, 2008), que se configura na sua multidisciplinaridade, a partir das dimensÃes social, cognitiva e discursiva. Por meio da sociocogniÃÃo discursiva à que se torna viÃvel o perscrutar da estratÃgia de legitimaÃÃo da corrupÃÃo polÃtica dentre os textos produzidos na CÃmara Federal de Deputados do Brasil, grupo produtor dos discursos analisados. Ainda no aspecto teÃrico, propÃe-se uma articulaÃÃo entre a Teoria dos Blocos SemÃnticos de Carel e Ducrot (1997, 2001) e a sociocogniÃÃo, para assim fundamentar a metodologia de anÃlise, que investiga o discurso parlamentar de legitimaÃÃo da corrupÃÃo por meio da argumentaÃÃo dos seus sujeitos. O corpus de anÃlise à composto por pronunciamentos de deputados federais, entre os anos 2012 e 2013, sobre o âjulgamento do mensalÃoâ, evento emblemÃtico acerca da corrupÃÃo polÃtica que levou à condenaÃÃo lÃderes do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT). Entende-se que, como grupo social, a CÃmara de Deputados e o PT, posicionam-se ideologicamente e que tal postura se apresenta no discurso produzido e compartilhado. A legitimaÃÃo discursiva da corrupÃÃo polÃtica produzida por um grupo social configura-se como abuso de poder. A sociocogniÃÃo se coloca no campo dos ECD porque investiga a ideologia de dominaÃÃo a partir da dimensÃo discursiva. A TBS fundamenta as categorias de anÃlise argumentativas necessÃrias ao perscrutar do discurso polÃtico, a partir dos enunciados elencados pelos sujeitos do discurso. Desta forma, entende-se que o desvelar de tais discursos de legitimaÃÃo corrobora contra uma forma mais sutil de opressÃo, a discursivo-ideolÃgica. / The âArgument in parliamentary discourse of legitimation of political corruptionâ, title of this thesis, aims to investigate the parliamentary discourse of legitimation of political corruption, focusing on the examination of how to configure the relationships between discourse, ideology and linguistic-discursive strategies. Perceived that the political corruption by discursive dimension, and not only by political science bias, in order to perceive that there is a discourse produced to legitimize this practice, and to identify the resources veiled that naturalize it. The Critical Discourse Studies (CDS) theoretically underlie the research, specifically the socio-cognitive approach to van Dijk (2006, 2008), which is configured in its multidisciplinary approach, from the dimensions social, cognitive and discursive. Through discursive socio-cognitive is that it becomes feasible to scrutinize the political corruption strategy of legitimation among the texts produced in the Chamber of Deputies of Brazil, producing group discourse analyzed. Although the theoretical aspect, we propose a link between the Theory of Semantic Blocks of Carel and Ducrot (1997, 2001) and sociocogniÃÃo, thus substantiate the analysis methodology, which investigates the parliamentary discourse legitimizing corruption by arguing the their subjects. The corpus of analysis consists of pronouncements of federal deputies, between the years 2012 and 2013, above âjulgamento do mensalÃoâ, flagship event on the political corruption that led the leaders of the Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) to condemnation. It is understood that, as a social group, the Chamber of Deputies and the PT, position themselves ideologically and that such a stance is presented in the discourse produced and shared. The discursive legitimation of political corruption produced by a social group is characterized as abuse of power. The sociocogniÃÃo arises in the field of CDS because investigates the ideology of domination from the discursive dimension. The TBS based categories of argumentative analysis necessary to scrutinize the political discourse, from the statements listed by the subjects of discourse. Thus, it is understood that the unveiling of such discourses of legitimation corroborates against a more subtle form of oppression, discursive and ideological.

Denna studie undersöker språket i informationstexter om efterförlossningsvård ur ett kritiskt diskursanalytiskt perspektiv. Syftet med denna studie har varit att synliggöra normer och diskurser om efterförlossningsvård om vad som räknas som sjukt och inte, vad som är vårdens respektive individens ansvar och vilka skador som lyfts fram eller göms undan. Uppsatsen utgår ifrån teorier om systemisk-funktionell grammatik (SFG) och kritiska diskursstudier med fokus på makt och kön. De metoder som används är transitivitet och modalitet från SFG samt en studie av tilltal. Undersökningen visar att infinitivfraser och passiv används för att flytta bort fokus från ämnen som toabesök, sex och vissa typer av skador. Andra strategier som används är att använda pronomenet en del när känsligare ämnen behandlas. Imperativ och förpliktelsemodaliteter av låg grad används för att uppmana till självvård. Studien visar att texterna skapar en normalitet där vissa skador beskrivs som ‘normala’ på ett sätt som inte kräver sjukvård, medan andra beskrivs som ‘onormala’ och som kräver sjukvård. Samma skada kan också skrivas fram som ‘normal’ i vissa situationer och ‘onormal’ i andra. Texterna reproducerar också normer kring kön, sexualitet och relationer och vilka handlingar och attribut som är kopplade till dessa.

Climate change must be considered one of the most critical issues of the coming decades that poten- tially poses foundational threats to human societies. Aviation has relatively little impact on green- house gas emissions globally, but this picture changes when focusing on emissions of rich industrial states. While being one of the foundations of the modern globalised world, present aviation growth trajectories are untenable. In this thesis, I investigated (a) how discourses about climate change are mediated, amplified and constructed by traditional mass media in Germany and (b) which de- bate configurations lead to political and civil society action on the issue. In particular, I highlighted the underlying ideological currents that influence how journalists discuss issues. This study uses a corpus-assisted approach to critical discourse studies, where statistical insights from large amounts of data are combined with a closer reading of text extracts. It is unique in its methodological breadth and the focus on a non-English-speaking country. The analysis is also angled differently compared to many previous studies insofar as I capture climate in relation to a different topic and not as the main issue. I reproduce previous findings of two periods of intense reporting on the issue with a period of disinterest in between and show that attitudes and ideologies of both the progressive and conservative media outlets have changed considerably over time. This change created a novel debate constellation that proved to be surprisingly robust in the woes of the coronavirus pandemic. Discus- sions moved from a dichotomy between effective climate and economic policy towards a narrative of economic transformation towards innovative industries and technologies. Meanwhile, there was also an increased focus on social consequences and questions of efficacy. The results expand on many of the earlier framing analyses and yield additional insight into effectively drafting and communicating climate policy to appeal to both progressive and conservative target groups. Creating climate poli- cies that are attractive to various strata in the population is essential to avoid polarised debates and assuage climate denialism, tendencies that can already be observed in a variety of countries.

The national day of Australia, officially referred to as Australia Day, can be seen as a celebration of Australian culture or as a symbol of colonialism. Previous research shows that how newspapers frame events can impact the readers’ understanding of how reality is represented (Baker et al., 2013). Therefore, this thesis investigates how Australia Day is framed in Australian news articles and whether the framing of Australia Day differs in left- and right-leaning newspapers. The data consists of two corpora of news articles about Australia Day published in left- and right-leaning newspapers between 2018 and 2022. These corpora were analysed from a Corpus Assisted Discourse Studies (CADS) perspective. The results indicate that the national day is framed as a controversial day in both right- and left-leaning newspapers, most saliently referred to as Australia Day or Invasion Day. In right-leaning newspapers, Australia Day celebrations are framed as positive, while anti-Australia Day protests and the use of the term Invasion Day are portrayed as negative. Furthermore, in right-leaning newspapers, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Island peoples are reported to have more important priorities than changing the date for Australia Day. In contrast, the left-leaning newspapers are more prone to frame the national day as disrespectful towards Aboriginal and Torres Strait Island peoples and signal that a potential future change of date is positive. Overall, this study suggests that the political orientation of the newspaper can impact how the national day is framed.

The aim of this essay is to discover how the protagonist constructs her identity, through her discourse, in the work I, Rigoberta Menchú: An Indian Woman in Guatemala. While the work is considered a testimony, the oral narrative has been modified by the author. Hence in this essay, the work is considered narrative literature, characterised by the narrator as the protagonist. The postcolonial theory of Edward Said is applied, as well as the description of the social structures and the dominant discourse in Latin America, and the concepts of Critical Discourse Studies by Teun Adrianus van Dijk. It has been argued that the discourse by the protagonist, reproduces the existence of the separation between “Us” and the “Others”. The protagonist constructs a discourse where she must break the rules of her own community and adapt to the cultural hegemony of the society, to be able to expand her knowledge and develop herself. In addition, the protagonist creates a discourse in which she must have a pluricultural identity, to be accepted, outside of her community. In conclusion, the protagonist must follow the norms that maintain the social structures of the society, that originate from the colonial era, to be able to attain power.

Ce travail de thèse a pour enjeux de rendre accessible à la communauté scientifique francophone en analyse dudiscours la manière dont le postulat critique s’est mis en place dans les sciences du langage européennes delangue anglaise à partir des années 1970 avec la Critical Linguistics jusqu’à son évolution actuelle donnant formeet programme à un courant de recherche connu sous les noms de Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) et de CriticalDiscourse Studies (CDS). Au moyen de nombreuses traductions réalisées dans le but de donner accès aux textes dece courant, nous faisons émerger, à travers leurs publications marquantes, comment sont nés ces courants, etcomment ils se sont établis scientifiquement et institutionnellement dans le paysage des sciences du langageanglophones en tant que disciplines désormais pleinement reconnues et disposant d'une reconnaissanceimportante dans les institutions universitaires. Malgré l’éclectisme de ces disciplines, qui pourrait à première vues’apparenter à un éclatement, nous identifions dans une exploration épistémologique ce qui fait leur unité et leurcohésion interne : principe critique appliquée à l’analyse du discours, posture définie du chercheur comme partieprenante de la société, focalisation sur des problématiques sociales construites comme objets de recherche,interdisciplinarité théorique pour ne jamais se limiter dans l’analyse, et pragmatisme dans le choix desméthodologies de recherche, toujours envisagées comme étant au service d’une analyse la plus complète possibledes aspects sémiotiques et discursifs des problèmes sociaux. Dans notre dernière partie, nous donnonsprécisément à voir des manières de faire de l’analyse du discours en CDS. À travers la présentation et l’analysedes grandes approches et tendances méthodologiques des CDS, nous montrons comment les chercheurss’emparent de problèmes sociaux concrets pour proposer des analyses répondant à une visée d’émancipation,démêlant ce qu'il en est des rapports entre langage et pouvoir. Nous montrons que ces analyses sont basées à lafois sur une théorisation critique du discours, de l’idéologie et de la société dans une visée interdisciplinaire(mêlant librement aux théories linguistiques des concepts issus des sciences sociales, de l’homme ou de lacognition), et sur des méthodologies qui empruntent sans restriction à toutes les branches des sciences dulangage pour appréhender le discours de manière complète, tant sous l’angle de son contenu que de samatérialité, analysant par exemple conjointement les macropropositions sémantiques, les stratégies rhétoriques,la représentation des acteurs sociaux ou les microphénomènes syntaxiques. / With this thesis, we are aiming at presenting how critique was incorporated into linguistics and discourseanalysis, first in the United-Kingdom in the 1970s and later spread to all European Anglophone discourseanalysis where it became its own discipline, Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) or alternatively, Critical DiscourseStudies (CDS). With a francophone audience in mind, we have translated excerpts of the major publications ofthe field to French in order to present first how CDA and CDS came into being as established disciplines, startingfrom Critical Linguistics. Then, we explore the main tenets of CDA and CDS and what constitutes them ascoherent scientific fields despite what appears at first sight to be a very eclectic body of works gathered underthese labels. We show that it has to do with critique as a governing principle for discourse analysis; how theresearcher’s position in society is defined; social problems as starting points for research; and a very pragmaticapproach when choosing methodological tools. Our last part presents the major approaches to “doing CDA”,from the founders’ approaches (Wodak’s Discourse Historical Approach, Fairclough’s Dialectical-RelationalApproach, Van Dijk’s Socio-Cognitive Approach, Van Leeuwen’s Representation of Social Actors) to largercurrent trends (CDA with a Cognitive Linguistics or Gender Studies input, Social Semiotics, Forensic Linguistics).

Depuis l’essor d’Internet, et particulièrement des réseaux sociaux, les espaces en ligne sont devenus des canaux de communication privilégiés pour diffuser un discours s’opposant au « genre », à la « propagande LGBT », et plus récemment au « wokisme ». Dans ce mémoire, je m’inspire des pistes méthodologiques ouvertes par la littérature francophone sur les campagnes anti-genre numériques, pour proposer une actualisation des connaissances sur ces discours, à partir d’un corpus de tweets original collecté entre novembre 2022 et février 2023. En suivant une méthodologie mixte, combinant analyse quantitative et qualitative, je décris un corpus de 345 413 tweets à l’aide d’outils issus de la lexicométrie, pour mener une analyse critique de 70 micro-discours sélectionnés dans ce corpus. En croisant l’approche historique du discours (DHA) aux études critiques des discours issus des réseaux sociaux (SM-CDS), j’expose les vecteurs de diffusion des discours anti-genre, anti-lgbt et anti-wokisme, les thèmes qui les composent et les stratégies discursives qui les construisent, ainsi que les stratégies collectives à l’œuvre derrière la diffusion de ces types de discours. En me concentrant sur la « protection des enfants » comme thématique centrale, je montre un déplacement des discours anti-genre et anti-lgbt vers un rejet affirmé de la transidentité, et l’intégration de ces discours dans un discours contre le « wokisme » - soulignant, ce faisant, l’intérêt de privilégier une approche émique pour étudier ces campagnes. Je montre ensuite que le discours anti-wokisme passe par l’articulation d’un discours populiste – nationaliste, qui permet de formuler un appel à la protection de l’identité française contre les menaces supposées de l’Islam et du « wokisme ». Finalement, j’expose la circulation internationale des discours analysés, suggérant l’intégration de ce phénomène dans l’« ordre de désinformation », et dans une montée globale des discours populistes de droite radicale. / Since the rise of the Internet, and particularly social medias, online spaces have become privileged communication channels to express a discourse opposing "gender", "LGBT propaganda", and more recently "wokism". In this thesis, I draw on methodological approaches opened up by the francophone literature on digital anti-gender campaigns, to propose an update of knowledge on these discourses, based on an original corpus of tweets collected between november 2022 and february 2023. Following a mixed methodology, combining quantitative and qualitative analysis, I describe a corpus of 345 413 tweets using tools derived from lexicometrics, to conduct a critical analysis of 70 micro-discourses selected from this corpus. Crossing the discourse historical approach (DHA) with social media critical discourse studies (SM-CDS), I expose the vectors of diffusion of anti-gender, anti-lgbt and anti-wokism discourses, the themes that compose them and the discursive strategies that construct them, as well as the collective strategies at work behind the diffusion of these types of discourses. Focusing on "child protection" as a central theme, I show a shift in anti-gender and anti-lgbt discourses towards an assertive rejection of trans-identity, and the integration of these discourses into a discourse against "wokism" – underlining the value of privileging an emic approach in the study of "unpleasant movements". I then show that the anti-wokism discourse enables the articulation of a populist-nationalist discourse, which allows to formulate a call to protect the French identity against the supposed threats of Islam and "wokism". Finally, I outline the international circulation of the analyzed discourses, suggesting the integration of this phenomenon into the "disinformation order", and into a global rise of radical right-wing populist discourses.

No description available.