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The diploma thesis The City Hall of Prague attitude towards prostitution is based on the constructivist paradigm and uses feminist theories. It examines, by means of a critical reading, the attitudes of the City Hall of Prague towards prostitution and its development in course of time. The period of investigation was determined by the beginning of municipal intention to introduce a regulatory bill. For this purpose all the relevant press releases from the period 2003 and 2015 were gathered. These documents are concerned with prostitution and they are accessible on press service section of www.praha.eu portal used by the City Hall as a medium for press releases. A theory part introduces basic concepts and trends in feminist debates concerning prostitution. The core of the thesis consists of four categories derived from the source data.These are: definition of prostitution, prostitution as a problem, needs and goals, and support and repression. The categories are treated critically from the viewpoint of feminist theories. The author follows not only the topics concerning prostitution, but also the way they are presented. There are also topics mentioned the City Hall neglects. The City Hall, by expressing and non-expressing its attitude towards partial themes, shapes their real form, development and...

Den här studien undersöker argument som tas upp i debatten om narkotikabruket. Studiens fokus ligger på argumenten som upprätthåller kriminaliseringen av narkotikabruk. Det finns inga substantiella evidens för att den här kriminaliseringen har haft den effekt som var tänkt, men regeringen har uttryckt att de inte vill utreda frågan. Enligt sociologerna Èmile Durkheim och Randall Collins finns det en social nödvändighet av brott; brottsligheten är en naturlig funktion av ett regelstyrt samhälle. Brottslighet aktualiseras genom kriminaliseringar och fungerar som moralbildande genom att det stärker de normativa övertygelserna hos de individer i samhället som inte begår brott. På så sätt handlar lagar, brott och straff mer om att stärka sammanhållningen i samhället än om att straffa brottslingar. Den här studien använder en kritisk diskursanalytisk metod - Norman Faircloughs argumentationsanalys och dialektala utvärdering - för att analysera argument från tre nutida samhällsdebatter, hämtade från SVT och Youtube, och förklara deras moraliska funktioner. Resultatet visar att argumenten som legitimerar kriminaliseringen av narkotikabruk inte är logiska. Dessa argument avfärdar det som motstrider dem samtidigt som de rättfärdigar sig själva på godtyckliga grunder. Argumenten verkar heller inte anta ett opersonligt förhållningssätt till eventuella problematiseringar med kriminaliseringen och dess effekter, utan verkar i första hand syfta till att upprätthålla de moraliska och politiska övertygelserna bakom kriminaliseringen. / This study explores the arguments stated about drug use in public debates, in particular arguments that perpetuate the criminalization of drug use. Even though there aren't any substantial evidence that the criminalization of drug use has had the effect it was intended to have, the Swedish government has stated that they don't intend to evaluate this matter. According to sociologists Èmile Durkheim och Randall Collins there's a social necessity of crime; delinquency is a natural phenomenon in a policy regulated society. Crime reinforces the moral standards within noncriminal individuals by operating as a moral producing idea. Laws, crime and punishment aren't as much about punishing the perpetrator per se, but more about emphasizing and reinforcing social sentiments and solidarity. By using critical discourse analysis - Norman Fairclough's argumentation analysis och dialectical evaluation - this study analyzes arguments from three contemporary public debates, from SVT and Youtube, and tries to explain their moral functions. The result shows that the arguments upholding the criminalization of drug use aren't logical. These arguments reject counterclaims whilst justifying themselves on arbitrary grounds. Moreover, the arguments aren't seemingly based on objectivity regarding the problematizations surrounding the criminalization of drug use and its effects, but seem to primarily enforce the moral and political ideology behind the criminalization itself.

Le terme d’infanticide recouvre des homicides divers, souvent appréhendés de manière indifférenciée. Parmi eux, le néonaticide désigne le meurtre d’un nouveau-né dans les vingt-quatre heures qui suivent sa naissance. Dans les pays connaissant une forte diffusion de la contraception et de l’accès à l’avortement, cette conduite – anciennement associée à un mode de régulation des naissances – est devenue marginale. Cette recherche propose une approche sociologique de la pratique du néonaticide fondée sur ses mises en récits par la justice et par les auteures elles-mêmes en France (2005-2015). L’enquête a permis de conduire des séries d’entretiens approfondis avec cinq femmes jugées pour ces faits et d’observer cinq procès en cour d’assises. Ces matériaux ont été complétés par des entretiens avec des avocat·e·s et magistrat·e·s, des dossiers judiciaires et un corpus d’articles de presse portant sur 75 affaires jugées sur la même période. Les récits judiciaires dévoilent la prégnance d’une approche essentialiste de la maternité et de la procréation qui pèse sur les efforts de mise en intelligibilité déployés par les professionnel·le·s. L’analyse des parcours de ces femmes, de leurs processus de socialisation, de leurs situations conjugales et familiales et de leurs ressources, permet d’identifier les obstacles rencontrés pour mettre en œuvre une contraception efficace ou accéder à l’IVG. En appréhendant le néonaticide comme l’ultime moyen d’éviter une naissance jugée catastrophique, cette étude s’éloigne de la lecture individualisante imposée par le traitement judiciaire et documente l’agentivité reproductive des femmes. / The term infanticide covers diverse realities too long understood in an undifferentiated way. Among them, neonaticide refers to the murder of a newborn within twenty-four hours of birth. In countries with a high access to contraception and abortion, this behavior – formerly associated with birth control – has become marginal. This research proposes a sociological approach to the practice of neonaticide based on its narratives by the courtrooms and by the authors themselves in France (2005-2015). The investigation led to a series of in-depth interviews with five women prosecuted for these acts and to observe five trials in criminal courts. These materials were supplemented by interviews with lawyers and magistrates, court files and a corpus of press articles covering 75 cases judged over the same period. Courtrooms narratives reveal the essentialist approach to motherhood and procreation, which weighs on the intelligibility efforts made by professionals. The analysis of women's life stories, their socialization processes, their intimate partner and family situations and their resources, makes it possible to identify the obstacles encountered in implementing effective contraception or accessing abortion. By apprehending neonaticide as the ultimate means to avoid a birth deemed catastrophic, this study moves away from the individualizing interpretation imposed by the judicial treatment and documents the reproductive agency of women.

The primary objective of this thesis is to conduct a comparative analysis of Sweden'slegislation, that criminalizes the purchase of sexual services, with Finland's laws thatdistinguish prostitution from human trafficking and prohibit the purchase of sexual services ifthe customer is aware of or ought to have suspected that the prostitute is a victim of humantrafficking. The study aims to identify and examine the core differences between these laws and how they reflect distinct views on prostitution and women, and the extent to which they are aligned with gender equality. The study employs a liberal sex work perspective which regards prostitution as a form of work that can be separated from the individual's body and aneo-abolitionist perspective that views prostitution, whether voluntary or involuntary, as a harmful and exploitative practice that oppresses women. The study employs a most-similardesign and ideological analysis to address the research questions. The results reveal the legislations' role in promoting gender equality as part of a broader feminist struggle against patriarchal structures. Sweden's law addresses gender inequality by identifying prostitution as a manifestation of male violence against women, while Finland's law targets exploitation insex trafficking, maintaining gender equality by protecting those most vulnerable inprostitution.

Depuis les années 2000, les « violences faites aux femmes » (VFF) font l’objet d’un traitement politique sans précédent. Cette publicité, fruit des luttes et des revendications féministes, est aussi le produit d'une histoire institutionnelle qui fait l'objet de cette recherche. Cette thèse porte sur les évolutions de l'encadrement étatique de la protection des victimes de violences de genre depuis les services d'aide proposés au sein même des groupes des tiers secteurs. Elle analyse ainsi comment les « coûts » des politiques de protection de lutte contre les VFF reproduisent du genre. Ces politiques sont analysées à travers une réflexion matérialiste sur la « protection institutionnalisée » (Brown, 1995) et en pensant le travail associatif/communautaire autour des violences avant tout un travail de soin. Trois niveaux d’analyse y sont explorés : celui des politiques publiques, celui, intermédiaire des relations entre l’État et les groupes des tiers secteurs, et celui plus sensible des pratiques de travail d’intervention. Cette recherche repose sur les monographies de quatre associations et organismes communautaires d’accompagnement des travailleuses du sexe et d’aide aux femmes victimes de violence conjugale en France et au Québec. La démarche méthodologique combine des entretiens sous forme de « récits de pratique » avec les intervenant·es et les directions de ces organisations et une analyse documentaire des politiques qui encadrent leur travail. L’angle des financements montre que les organismes sont utilisés comme des instruments de mise en oeuvre des politiques publiques. La comparaison met en lumière différentes stratégies et réponses des organismes. Cette dépendance contraint aussi le travail d'intervention dont la charge administrative s'alourdit et tend à réduire la part de soin pourtant inhérente à la relation d'aide. Ensuite, la thèse montre que l'institutionnalisation des politiques de lutte contre les VFF s'accompagne d'une mise sous contrainte des droits à l'aide et à la protection. Si la mise à l’agenda politique des violences de genre est le fruit de plus larges revendications contre le poids du mariage et le contrôle de la sexualité des femmes, lorsqu’elles sont intégrées dans le langage de l'action publique, sa définition tend à se resserrer sur des notions de risque social ou de crime. / Since the 2000s, “violence against women” (VAW) has raised political interest on an unprecedented scale. This exposure is the result of feminist demands and struggles. But it is also the result of an institutional history which is at the heart of this research. The focus of this thesis is the expanding role of the state in regulating the protection of gender-based abuse victims. The research takes the standpoint of social services within nonprofit organizations. It analyzes the costs of VAW protection policies and how they reproduce gender oppression. These policies are analyzed through a materialist reflection on “institutionalized protection” (Brown, 1995) and by considering nonprofit work with victims first and foremost as care work. This thesis provides three levels of analysis: public policies, the relations between the State and nonprofit organizations, and finally, on a more tangible level, I analyze social work practices. This research is based upon the monographs of four non-profit organizations: supporting sex workers and assisting women victims of domestic abuse in France and Quebec. From a methodological perspective, this research combines narrative interviews of the organizations’ workers and head of staff, with a literature review of policies governing their work. The study of funding shows that nonprofit organizations are used as tools to implement public policies. The comparison highlights different strategies and differentiated responses from organizations. Organizations’ reliance on public funding restrains social work. The administrative burden limits the part of care pivotal to social work. The thesis demonstrates further that institutionalization of policies on VAW leads to a restriction of the rights to assistance and protection. Political awareness of gender-based violence falls within broader reassessments of issues such as marital pressure and the policing of women’s sexuality. But when it comes to state action, it tends to be conflated to social risk and crime.

This thesis explores how the tactics of intimidation, harrassment and criminalization impact the activists providing humanitarian assistance to migrants at the border between Poland and Belarus. Through an investigation of the relations of power between the authorities, the activists and the migrants, this study aims to understand the complex context of the border in which the activists provide the assistance. With the aim of exploring how the activists operate under the threat of criminalization, it makes a contribution to the emerging body of research on the phenomenon of criminalization of grass-roots humanitarian efforts, which has been on the rise in Europe and around the world. The findings reveal that as a result of the state imposed measures, such as heavy militarization and policing of the broder, as well as restrictions on freedom of movement and public access to information, the humanitarian aid is provided in an atmosphere of fear. Nevertheless, the desired effect of deterrence is not achieved, as the activists perceive providing aid as their duty.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:22:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Fernando Hideo Iochida Lacerda.pdf: 1457772 bytes, checksum: b9aecec24ea84eaf447c16136ce8b004 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-10-28 / The scope of the present work is to propose boundaries for the criminalization of our time, from an overview of the juridical value as an evolutionary acquisition. In this sense, the juridical value corresponds to the structural coupling between criminal law and criminal policy, being a product of evolutionary differentiation that operated between the legal and political systems. With that purpose, Niklas Luhmann s theory of systems was adopted as a conceptual assumption, as well as a view of time, considering that we live in a risk society, according to the notions of Ulrich Beck. Applying these scientific references, this thesis proposes a new discussion of the relationship between the Constitution, the juridical value, the criminal law, criminal procedure and criminal policy, defending the idea that it is a function of the legislature to identify the juridical value as a basis for creating criminal law, considering that all the process of penal intervention is positively limited by constitutional norms. The dissertation deals with the criminalization of our time: regarding criminal intervention as a product of politics - analyzing the (non) existence of constitutional warrants binding the production of non constitutional rules, from a vision of the Constitution as a threshold of criminal law, whose foundation would be the juridical value - or concerning the moment of criminal intervention as an operation of the legal system, from the (non) possibility of challenging the constitutional procedural safeguards aiming to adapt risk society's expectations. It is a search for foundations, limits and parameters for the penal system of our time: the minimum criminal law and criminal procedure, informed by constitutional principles / Escopo deste trabalho é a proposta de balizas para a criminalização de nosso tempo, a partir de uma visão do bem jurídico como aquisição evolutiva. Nesse sentido, o bem jurídico penal corresponde ao acoplamento estrutural entre o direito penal e a política criminal, produto da diferenciação evolutiva que se operou entre os sistemas jurídico e político. Para tanto, são adotados como pressupostos conceituais basilares a teoria dos sistemas de Niklas Luhmann e uma visão da sociedade de risco como o tempo em que vivemos, a partir de noções formuladas por Ulrich Beck. Empregando esses referentes científicos, a presente dissertação rediscute a relação entre Constituição, bem jurídico, direito penal, processual penal e política criminal, defendendo a ideia de que é função do legislador a identificação do bem jurídico como fundamento de normas penais incriminadoras, estando todo o processo de intervenção penal limitado positivamente pelas normas constitucionais. A dissertação trata da criminalização de nosso tempo: seja no momento da intervenção penal como produto político ― analisando-se a (in)existência de mandados constitucionais que vinculariam a produção normativa infraconstitucional, a partir de uma visão da Constituição como limite do direito penal, cujo fundamento seria o bem jurídico ―, quer no momento da intervenção penal como operação do sistema jurídico, a partir da (im)possibilidade de relativização das garantias processuais de natureza constitucional para adequação às expectativas da sociedade de risco. É uma busca por fundamentos, limites e parâmetros para o sistema penal de nosso tempo: do direito penal mínimo e do processo penal garantista, informados pelos princípios constitucionais

In this thesis, I deal with the Zero tolerance policy in its perspective of theory, records and application. I regard it as a disciplining policy, which leads to polarization and consequent deepening of problems in absence in of indications of social issues by their proper names. Answer to the issue of work is evidence of a practical example in a foreign surrounding and subsequent in-depth qualitative analysis of the two urban cases of region Ústí nad Labem - Duchcov and Litvínov. The data were processed by qualitative methods and techniques of sociological research in support partial statistics and hard data. This combined methodology aims to grasp the topic in the field of urban sociology and on that basis try for plasticity research based on interdisciplinarity. Based on research confirmed that the Zero tolerance policy in Duchcov and Litvínov is not recommendable manual for dealing with long-term social and deteriorating security situation. found that the appointment of politicians do not address the causes of incurred to shape the long-term problems. Furthemore been found the named policy do not address the causes of incurred to shape the long-term problems. Vice versa, reverses the logic of cause and effect - the cause of the decline in the quality of life in cities. In thus considered the...

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:20:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jaceguara Dantas da Silva Passos.pdf: 1477090 bytes, checksum: a9e36828ecf51c8bcbfbcf0ddc0d983a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-10-03 / The purpose of this study was to discuss the adherence of the Brazilian State to Human Rights treaties, the ensuing Criminalization Legal Precepts, and the corresponding legal consequences. As a signatory of a Human Rights Treaty, the Brazilian State is ruled through a legal system in line with the dictates of the Federal Constitution of 1988, whether or not said dictates are endorsed by the procedure laid out in Article 5, Section 3, of the Federal Constitution. By establishing provisions for the protection of new fundamental rights, treaties also constitute a parameter for the selection and protection of individual or collective legally protected values a form of protection regulated by Criminal Law, regardless of rule origin or hierarchy. This stems from the fact that by addressing the issue of Human Rights, the treaty should serve as a parameter for the protection of core values by Criminal Law, since the highest goal is the defense of human dignity a perspective in which any strictly formal, procedural hurdles must be overcome in order to achieve the highest good and interest of society and ensure the protection of said dignity, which constitutes the very core that informs and structures a Democratic State that abides by the Rule of Law. In order to guarantee the defense and protection of the human rights involved, Criminalization Legal Precepts are addressed, especially those related to Slavery, Child Labor, and Discrimination against Sexual Orientation, so as to impose limits to ordinary legislators in the definition of core values protected by Criminal Law, as well as to impose on the Brazilian State the obligation to criminalize conducts deemed offensive to certain legally protected values through the imposition of legal sanctions / O presente trabalho se propõe a discutir a adesão do Estado brasileiro aos tratados de Direitos Humanos, os decorrentes Mandados de Criminalização bem como as correspondentes consequências jurídicas. Defende-se a ideia de que, em sendo o Estado Brasileiro signatário de um tratado de Direitos Humanos, este se insere no ordenamento jurídico, em consonância com os ditames da Constituição Federal de 1988, aprovados ou não pelo procedimento previsto no artigo 5º, § 3º, da Constituição Federal. Dessa forma, ao prever a defesa de novos direitos fundamentais, os tratados também servem de parâmetro para a eleição e proteção de um bem jurídico individual ou coletivo, mediante a tutela proporcional do Direito Penal, independentemente da origem da norma e de sua hierarquia. E tal ocorre em razão de que, ao versar o tratado sobre a temática de Direitos Humanos, este deve servir de parâmetro para a tutela penal, já que o fim maior é a defesa da dignidade da pessoa humana e, nesse norte, devem ser superadas barreiras meramente formais, procedimentais, para se alcançar o bem maior e o interesse da sociedade e garantir a proteção da aludida dignidade, a qual se configura núcleo essencial que informa e estrutura o Estado Democrático de Direito. Com o fim de garantir a defesa e proteção dos direitos humanos envolvidos, discorre-se sobre Mandados de Criminalização, em especial aqueles relacionados à Discriminação pela Orientação Sexual, Trabalho Escravo e Trabalho Infantil, com o objetivo de impor ao legislador ordinário limites na escolha dos bens jurídicos penais e ao Estado, no caso, o Brasil, a obrigação de criminalizar certas condutas ofensivas a determinados bens jurídicos com a imposição de sanção