No description available.

In this investigation three groups of ten subjects each, ages seven to nine, were compared on common object picture span identification tasks to determine if the rehearsal strategies of oral labeling, signing, or total communication significantly effected their visual memory. Thethree groups consisted of a good learner/normal hearing (NH) group, a hearing impaired poor speechreader/learning disabled (LD) group, and a hearing impaired good learner/good speechreader total communication (TC) group.Subjects' picture span identification performances with and without rehearsal were compared by a one way ANOVA for difference scores. The F value of 62.026 was significant at the .01 level which demonstrated a significant difference among the groups' difference scores. Statistical results between groups indicated that the signing rehearsal strategy significantly improved the LD group's scores on the rehearsed picture span taskas compared to the oral labeling and total communication rehearsal strategies of the NH and IC groups whose rehearsal had little effect on their performance.In summary, this study showed that poor learners/poor speechreaders greatly benefitted from overt rehearsal strategies on a visual memory picture identification task.

This dissertation comprised three studies investigating early language and reading development of children with hearing loss who used listening and spoken language. The first study examined conversation techniques used by parents during dinnertimes at home with their preschool children with hearing loss (N = 37). Twenty-minute dinnertime segments were extracted from daylong, naturalistic Language ENvironment Analysis (LENA) recordings. Transcripts were coded for parents’ use of open- and closed-ended language elicitation, reformulation, imitation, directives, and explicit instruction in vocabulary and grammar. Participants’ receptive vocabulary and knowledge of basic concepts were also measured. Parents’ use of conversation techniques varied widely, with closed-ended elicitations and directives used most frequently during dinner. Open-ended language elicitation related significantly to children’s receptive vocabulary, and explicit vocabulary instruction was correlated with basic-concepts skills. Thematic analysis found common themes of concrete conversation topics and sibling speakers. In addition, parents who used many techniques often introduced abstract conversation topics; electronic media was present in all conversations with few techniques. The second study investigated the longitudinal complexity and quantity of the language input and output of 14 preschool children with hearing loss. Participants’ receptive vocabulary and understanding of basic concepts were measured and daylong recordings were collected at two time points one year apart. Twenty-minute dinnertime segments were extracted from each recording, and adults’ and children’s utterances were coded for syntactic and clausal complexity and lexical diversity. The quantity and complexity of parental language input remained consistent over one year. The initial clausal complexity of the children’s utterances related to their general receptive vocabulary, while the initial syntactic complexity of the children’s utterances related to their understanding of basic concepts one year later. The third study explored the reading skills achieved by 64 children with hearing loss in prekindergarten through third grade. Participants’ mean scores on eight reading subtests of the Woodcock-Johnson IV Tests of Achievement were all within one standard deviation of the tests’ normative means. Relative strengths were found in basic reading skills, including phonological awareness and spelling. Relative weaknesses were found in oral reading and word- and sentence-reading fluency. When 53 participants’ skills were measured one year later, they had made significant gains in letter-word identification, sentence-reading fluency, and word-reading fluency, suggesting that they had made more than one year’s progress in one year’s time while enrolled in a specialized program.

Prepositions are important for the syntactical structure of the sentence and also to relate meaning, particularly meaning associated with concepts of place and time (Washington and Naremore, 1978). Expressive acquisition of function words, including prepositions, is significantly delayed in the hearing impaired population (Cooper and Rosenstein, 1966). Yet, acquisition sequence for expressive prepositions has not been determined for this population. The purpose of this study was to investigate the oral expressive acquisition of locative and directional single word prepositions in severely-to-profoundly hearing impaired children. The question this study sought to answer was: At what age levels are seventeen locative and directional single word prepositions expressively acquired by severely- to-profoundly hearing impaired children?

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This investigation was conducted to determine whether the removal of hearing aids from these children for eighteen hours (+ 1/2 hour and including sleep time) would result in reduced speech intelligibility as perceived by a panel of listening judges who were unfamiliar with the speech of the deaf.

No description available.

The purpose of this study was to determine whether the reading comprehension of deaf and hearing subjects was affected by the presence of idiomatic language in passages.The Test Of Idioms was constructed to determine the effect of idiomatic language on reading comprehension. It consisted of twelve passages. The four forms differed in the presence or absence of idiomatic language. The Test Of Idioms was evaluated by three judges. Form A and Form D were piloted to standardize the directions for administration and to assess the reliability of the instrument. The reliability for Form A was .93 and .89 for Form D.The subjects in this study were 54 students at the Indiana School for the Deaf who were prelingually, profoundly deaf and had no other handicapping conditions. The hearing subjects consisted of 91 students from the New Castle Community School System who were in grades three or four, had never been retained and had no handicapping conditions. Both deaf and hearing subjects were randomly assigned to take one of the four forms of the Test Of Idioms.The following results were obtained. The deaf subjects did not differ significantly across groups in their ability to comprehend passages with varying levels of idiomatic language. The hearing subjects did not differ significantly across groups in their ability to comprehend passages containing varying levels of idiomatic language. In addition, within groups the deaf and hearing subjects did not differ in their comprehension of passages as a function of the ability or inability to define the idioms contained in the passages.The findings of the study were interpreted to mean that when idioms are embedded in passages where sufficient contextual support is available and extraneous factors are controlled, comprehension is not impaired for deaf or hearing subjects. In addition ability to define an idiom is not an accurate predictor of comprehension ability for reading materials containing idiomatic language.

Thesis (Ph.D.)—Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Electrical Engineering and Computer Science, 1981. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 185-192). / This electronic version was scanned from a copy of the thesis on file at the Speech Communication Group. The certified thesis is available in the Institute Archives and Special Collections. / Whitaker Health Sciences Fund.

早期口語習得研究假設被動句的賓語通過“論元移位“ (A-movement) 移到主語位置。Huang (1999)和 Tang (2000, 2001) 認為粤語被動句和漢語被動句類似，都通過空運算元移位形成，即空運算元通過“非論元移位“(A’-movement) 從內嵌 VP的賓語位置移到時態短語(TP)指定語的位置。經過謂語化後，這個空語類受主語約束。 / 漢語被動句習得研究顯示兒童較遲獲得長被動句 (Chang, 1986; Xu and Yang, 2008; Liu and Ning, 2009)。粤語表被動的「畀」存在一詞多義形式，除了表示被動，還有表示給予的「畀」，表示與格的「畀」，以及表示允許的「畀」。Wong (2004) 發現表被動的「畀」最難習得。 / 本研究從普遍語法 (UG)的角度來考察粤語「畀」字被動句的獲得情況，旨在探討聾童如何習得粤語「畀」字被動句，他們是否經歷與健聽兒童相似的習得過程。同時，進一步研究聾童是否掌握粤語「畀」字被動句內部的語法關係，包括基本的句法語序，內嵌使役結構的有終結性“telic“，以及空運算元和主句主語的約束關係。本研究採用了三種實驗方法：圖片選擇、圖片描述，以及圖片判斷。參與此項研究的被試有 18名 7;03至 12;06之間的聾童，40名 3;03至 7;05之間的健聽兒童，以及作為控制組的 20名健聽成人。 / 圖片選擇和圖片描述實驗的結果表明聾童和健聽兒童在粤語「畀」字被動句的發展中經歷了相似的習得過程。他們表達含光杆動詞的被動句沒有什麼困難。光杆動詞，比如“踢“，若自身帶有“終結體“(+telic) 的特徵，在粤語被動句中是合語法的。但是，當需要使用動補複合動詞 (RVC) 來表達一個事件的有終結性特徵時，聾童與健聽兒童的表現則不同。聾童很難以這種有終結性的特徵解讀這個內嵌的使役結構。取而代之，他們保留用光杆動詞結構來表達單單一個動作或一個結果。亦有不少聾童使用兩個連接的短語，以前一個表達動作，後一個表達結果。圖片判斷實驗的結果顯示，隨著“語言接收年齡“(receptive language age) 的提高，聾童對可加強被動義的標記「親」(-can1)意識也逐漸提高。在「畀」字句中，含被動義的標記「親」用於限制: (a) 句子在表允許和表被動的歧義，使句子解讀為被動義; (b) 主句主語和內嵌賓語的約束關係。 / 為深入瞭解聾童「畀」字被動句的獲得，本研究同時考察了他們能否區別「畀」字的一詞多義形式及其相應的句法結構，包括表給予的「畀」和表允許的「畀」。研究結果顯示「畀」字被動句帶有兩個小句，且含空運算元移位，這給聾童被動句的習得造成了極大的困難。儘管表允許的「畀」也帶有兩個小句，含賓語控制結構，相對而言仍比被動句容易習得。表給予的「畀」為單句，我們假設應發展得較早，但是在本研究中卻發現比表允許的「畀」更遲習得。事實上，聾童在產出粤語 IDOC (即 [N bei2 DO IO], DO 代表直接賓語而 IO代表間接賓語) 語序時有困難，可是卻會採用漢語語法的語序 DOC (即 [N bei2 IO DO])。我們認為這可能是漢語書面語的輸入對聾童更為“可接收 （accessible）所致；相比之下，由於聽力受損，他們通過聽覺接收的粤語口語輸入卻受到了限制。 / Earlier acquisition studies of passives in spoken languages assume A-movement of the object to the subject position. Huang (1999) and Tang (2000, 2001) claim that Cantonese passives, similar to Mandarin passives, involve null operator movement from the object position of the embedded VP via A’movement to the specifier position of the intermediate TP. This null category is then bound by a base-generated subject through predication. / Acquisition studies of Mandarin passives show that children acquire long passives late (Chang, 1986; Xu and Yang, 2008; Liu and Ning, 2009). As for Cantonese, Wong (2004) found that passive bei2 is most difficult among the different polysemous bei2, namely transfer bei2 ‘give’, dative bei2, and permissive bei2 ‘let’. / In the current study, we approach the acquisition of Cantonese passive bei2 from a UG perspective. We aim to see how deaf children acquire passive bei2, whether they go through a similar acquisition process as their typical hearing counterparts. We also want to see if they have developed knowledge about the grammatical relations involved with passive bei2, namely the basic syntactic order, the telicity encoded in the embedded causative structure, and the binding relationship between the null operator and the matrix subject. Three experimental procedures were developed: a picture selection task, a picture description task and a picture verification task. 18 deaf children (7;03-12;06), 40 younger hearing children (3;03-7;05) and 20 hearing adults as controls participated in this study. / The results in the picture selection and the picture description task show that the deaf children and the hearing children went through a similar acquisition process in the development of passive bei2. They did not seem to encounter difficulty in producing passives bei2 involving a bare verb which is inherently +telic such as ‘kick’, which is acceptable in Cantonese. However, when coming to using a resultative verb compound (RVC) to encode the +telic aspect of the eventuality, the deaf subjects’ performance differed from the hearing subjects in demonstrating difficulty in encoding a telic causative event structure. Instead, they maintained a bare verb structure to encode either an activity or a result. A number of deaf children also used two conjoined phrases, with the first encoding an activity and the second a result. The results of the picture verification task show that as a function of receptive language age, the deaf children in our study were sensitive to the presence of the adversative marker -can1, which is used to restrict (a) the interpretation of an ambiguous permissive/passive sentence to a passive reading, and (b) the binding relation between the matrix subject and the embedded object involved. / To deepen our understanding of deaf children’s acquisition of passive bei2, part of the project is to examine if they could identify the other polysemous bei2s, including transfer bei2 and permissive bei2 as they involve different linguistic structures. The results show that passive bei2 which requires a biclausal structure plus null operator movement poses as the most difficult construction to be acquired by deaf children. Although permissive bei2 also invokes a biclausal structure with object control, it is relatively easier than passive bei2. Unexpectedly, transfer bei2 is found to be more difficult than permissive bei2 although the structure is monoclausal and assumed to be developmentally early in typically developed children. In fact, the deaf subjects have experienced difficulty in producing the IDOC order (i.e. [N bei2 DO IO], where DO represents Direct Object and IO represents Indirect Object), a required word order in Cantonese; instead, they resorted to the DOC (i.e. [N bei2 IO DO]) order which reflects the Mandarin grammar. We propose that it is due to the more ‘accessible’ input from printed written Chinese, which follows the Mandarin grammar, as against the less accessible Cantonese input through the auditory mode. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Yiu, Kun Man. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 232-242). / Abstracts also in Chinese; appendix 1 includes Chinese. / Abstract --- p.ii / Acknowledgement --- p.vi / Table of Contents --- p.viii / List of Figures --- p.xiii / List of Tables --- p.xvi / Abbreviations --- p.xvii / Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 / Chapter 1.1. --- Introduction --- p.1 / Chapter 1.2. --- Spoken Language Acquisition by Deaf Children --- p.3 / Chapter 1.3. --- Berent’s (2004) Characterization of Bi-modal Bilingual Acquisition --- p.5 / Chapter 1.4. --- The Current Research --- p.7 / Chapter 1.5. --- Organization of the Thesis --- p.10 / Chapter Chapter 2 --- Deafness and Language Acquisition --- p.12 / Chapter 2.1. --- Introduction --- p.12 / Chapter 2.2. --- General Descriptions about the Deaf Situation in HK --- p.12 / Chapter 2.3. --- The Effects of Deafness on Language Acquisition --- p.13 / Chapter 2.4. --- Factors Affecting Language Acquisition of Deaf Children --- p.14 / Chapter 2.5. --- Acquisition of Syntax by Deaf Children: Theoretical Assumptions . --- p.14 / Chapter 2.5.1. --- Acquisition Studies on Syntactic Development of Deaf Children . --- p.15 / Chapter 2.5.2. --- Interim Discussion --- p.17 / Chapter 2.6. --- Problematic Domains in Syntactic Acquisition --- p.18 / Chapter 2.6.1. --- Problems in the I-system --- p.20 / Chapter 2.6.2. --- Problems in the C-system --- p.20 / Chapter 2.6.3. --- Problems in the D-system --- p.21 / Chapter 2.6.4. --- Interim Summary --- p.22 / Chapter 2.6.5. --- Problems in Acquiring Syntactic Movement --- p.23 / Chapter 2.6.6. --- Problems with Interpreting Empty Categories --- p.30 / Chapter 2.7. --- Summary --- p.31 / Chapter Chapter 3 --- Morpho-syntactic Analysis of Passive bei2 Construction and the Polysemous Forms of bei2 --- p.33 / Chapter 3.1. --- Introduction --- p.33 / Chapter 3.2. --- Cantonese Passives --- p.33 / Chapter 3.2.1. --- Types of Passives in Cantonese --- p.35 / Chapter 3.2.2. --- Grammatical Relations in Cantonese bei2 Passives --- p.38 / Chapter 3.2.3. --- Morpho-syntactic Analysis of Cantonese bei2 Construction --- p.39 / Chapter 3.2.4. --- The Movement Approach --- p.40 / Chapter 3.2.5. --- A Complementation Approach to Cantonese Passives --- p.44 / Chapter 3.2.6. --- Telicity and Delimiting Elements of the Embedded Predicate --- p.51 / Chapter 3.2.7. --- Interim Discussion --- p.55 / Chapter 3.3. --- Polyesmous Forms of bei2 ‘give’ in Cantonese --- p.56 / Chapter 3.4. --- Transfer bei2 in Cantonese --- p.57 / Chapter 3.4.1. --- The Inverted Double Object Construction (IDOC) in Cantonese --- p.58 / Chapter 3.4.2. --- Derivation of the Transfer bei2 Construction --- p.59 / Chapter 3.4.3. --- Two Non-Canonical Transfer bei2 Construction in Cantonese --- p.60 / Chapter 3.4.4. --- Animacy Effects --- p.63 / Chapter 3.5. --- Permissive bei2 Construction in Cantonese --- p.64 / Chapter 3.5.1. --- Permissive bei2 as Object Control Sentences --- p.65 / Chapter 3.5.2. --- Selection of Non-finite Embedded Clause --- p.70 / Chapter 3.6. --- Ambiguity between Permissive and Passive bei2 --- p.71 / Chapter 3.7. --- Summary --- p.73 / Chapter Chapter4 --- Acquiring Bei2 in Cantonese: A Review of Previous Studies . --- p.75 / Chapter 4.1. --- Introduction --- p.75 / Chapter 4.2. --- Acquisition of Cantonese bei2 Passives --- p.75 / Chapter 4.3. --- Acquisition of Passives in Mandarin --- p.77 / Chapter 4.4. --- Issues in the Acquisition of Passives --- p.79 / Chapter 4.4.1. --- Age of Acquisition --- p.79 / Chapter 4.4.2. --- Passives with Actional vs Non-actional Verbs --- p.81 / Chapter 4.4.3. --- Lexical-semantics of the Verb Phrase of Passives --- p.83 / Chapter 4.5. --- Acquisition of Cantonese bei2 Passives by Deaf Children --- p.84 / Chapter 4.6. --- Acquisition of Passives by Deaf Children in Other Languages --- p.87 / Chapter 4.7. --- Acquisition of Other Polysemous Forms --- p.88 / Chapter 4.7.1. --- Acquisition of Permissive bei2 --- p.88 / Chapter 4.7.2. --- Acquisition of Control --- p.88 / Chapter 4.7.3. --- Acquisition of Transfer bei2 --- p.90 / Chapter 4.8. --- Acquisition Predictions --- p.91 / Chapter 4.8.1. --- How do Deaf Children Acquire Passive bei2 in Cantonese? --- p.91 / Chapter 4.8.2. --- What is the Sequence of Acquisition among the three Polysemous bei2? . --- p.91 / Chapter 4.8.3. --- Do Deaf Children Follow a Different Pathway from Hearing Children? --- p.92 / Chapter Chapter 5 --- Methodology --- p.93 / Chapter 5.1. --- Background --- p.93 / Chapter 5.2. --- Subjects --- p.94 / Chapter 5.2.1. --- Deaf Subjects --- p.94 / Chapter 5.2.2. --- Hearing Subjects --- p.101 / Chapter 5.3. --- Experimental Design --- p.102 / Chapter 5.4. --- Picture Selection (PS) - A Comprehension Task --- p.103 / Chapter 5.4.1. --- Design of Test Items --- p.103 / Chapter 5.4.2. --- Verbs Used in the Test Items --- p.104 / Chapter 5.4.3. --- Items for Transfer bei2 --- p.105 / Chapter 5.4.4. --- Items for Permissive bei2 --- p.106 / Chapter 5.4.5. --- Items for Passive bei2 --- p.108 / Chapter 5.4.6. --- Items for Zoeng1 and Active Sentences --- p.108 / Chapter 5.4.7. --- Experimental Procedure --- p.110 / Chapter 5.5. --- Picture Description (PD) - An Elicited Production Task --- p.111 / Chapter 5.5.1. --- Design of Test Items --- p.112 / Chapter 5.5.2. --- Items for Transfer bei2 --- p.113 / Chapter 5.5.3. --- Items for Permissive bei2 --- p.115 / Chapter 5.5.4. --- Items for Passive bei2 --- p.117 / Chapter 5.5.5. --- Active Sentences --- p.120 / Chapter 5.5.6. --- Testing Procedure --- p.121 / Chapter 5.6. --- Picture Verification (PV) - A Judgment Task --- p.123 / Chapter 5.6.1. --- Can1 as the Disambiguating Cue --- p.124 / Chapter 5.6.2. --- Experimental Design --- p.126 / Chapter 5.6.3. --- The Test Items --- p.129 / Chapter 5.7. --- Experimental Procedures --- p.132 / Chapter Chapter 6 --- Results --- p.133 / Chapter 6.1. --- Introduction --- p.133 / Chapter 6.2. --- Performance in Passive bei2 --- p.136 / Chapter 6.2.1. --- Picture Selection (PS) Task --- p.136 / Chapter 6.2.2. --- Picture Description (PD) Task --- p.139 / Chapter 6.2.3. --- Active Sentences (Controls) --- p.139 / Chapter 6.2.4. --- Passive bei2 with an Embedded Bare Verb --- p.141 / Chapter 6.2.5. --- Resultative Passives --- p.148 / Chapter 6.2.6. --- Subjects’ Performance on the Embedded VP --- p.152 / Chapter 6.2.7. --- Reversibility of the NPs --- p.157 / Chapter 6.2.8. --- The Picture Verification (PV) Task --- p.161 / Chapter 6.2.9. --- Is -can1 an Effective Disambiguating Cue? --- p.161 / Chapter 6.2.10. --- Interim Summary --- p.170 / Chapter 6.3. --- Performance on Transfer bei2 and Permissive bei2 --- p.171 / Chapter 6.3.1. --- Picture Selection (PS) Task --- p.171 / Chapter 6.3.2. --- Picture Description (PD) Task --- p.176 / Chapter 6.3.3. --- Acquisition of Transfer bei2 --- p.176 / Chapter 6.3.4. --- Acquisition of Permissive bei2 --- p.183 / Chapter 6.3.5. --- The Three Polysemous Forms in the PD Task --- p.191 / Chapter 6.3.6. --- The Three Polysemous Forms in Both the PS and PD Tasks --- p.193 / Chapter 6.3.7. --- Performance by Level/Group in Both the PS and PD Tasks --- p.196 / Chapter Chapter 7 --- General Discussion and Conclusion --- p.199 / Chapter 7.1. --- Introduction --- p.199 / Chapter 7.2. --- The Acquisition of Passive bei2 Construction in Cantonese --- p.199 / Chapter 7.2.1. --- Knowledge about the Grammatical Relations in Passive bei2 --- p.200 / Chapter 7.2.2. --- Knowledge about the Syntactic Order of Passive bei2 --- p.202 / Chapter 7.2.3. --- Knowledge about the Reversible and Non-Reversible Passives --- p.203 / Chapter 7.2.4. --- Knowledge about a +Telic Embedded Predicate --- p.204 / Chapter 7.2.5. --- Knowledge about Co-indexation and Null Operator Movement . --- p.206 / Chapter 7.3. --- Acquisition of Polysemous Forms of bei2 --- p.207 / Chapter 7.3.1. --- Order of Difficulty --- p.207 / Chapter 7.3.2. --- Acquisition of Transfer bei2 --- p.209 / Chapter 7.3.3. --- Acquisition of Permissive bei2 --- p.211 / Chapter 7.3.4. --- Developmental Pathway of Deaf Children’s Grammatical Knowledge --- p.213 / Chapter 7.4. --- Limitations of the Research --- p.214 / Chapter 7.5. --- Conclusions --- p.217 / Chapter 7.5.1. --- Get to Know the Acquisition Process of Passive bei2s and Other Polysemous Forms --- p.217 / Chapter 7.5.2. --- Age Factor in Research on Language Development of Deaf Children . --- p.218 / Chapter 7.5.3. --- Understanding Language Development of Deaf Children --- p.220 / Chapter 7.5.4. --- Practical Implications --- p.223 / Chapter Appendix 1: --- Test items of the experiment --- p.225 / Chapter Appendix 2: --- Correct Responses in the Picture Selection Task (All hearing adult subjects, N=20) --- p.231 / References --- p.232