Desde a delimitação de suas fronteiras terrestres, a inserção externa brasileira teve predominantemente baixa contribuição do instrumento da defesa. Entre os governos de Luís Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2010) e de Dilma Rousseff (2010-2014), o país definiu novas prioridades e objetivos na sua estratégia de atuação internacional, evidenciando uma postura assertiva em vista da multipolaridade mundial e uma maior preocupação com temas de segurança e defesa. Simultaneamente, o delineamento de cenários que exigem esforços visando à aproximação entre as políticas externa e de defesa assumiu maior relevo. Tendo em vista que a sinergia entre tais políticas possibilita a maximização dos ganhos na atuação internacional do Estado, o presente trabalho tem como objetivo analisar como essa articulação contribui para o fortalecimento da vertente marítima do entorno estratégico brasileiro no cenário atual de revalorização desse espaço. Observou-se tanto o cenário externo como o contexto interno no que diz respeito ao âmbito ideacional, institucional e de formulação de agenda de atuação na dimensão sul-atlântica, com enfoque nas relações Brasil-África. Por fim, conclui-se que a contribuição para o fortalecimento da vertente marítima é realizada por meio da criação e ampliação de capacidades política, econômica e estratégico-militar, associadas à possibilidade de promoção dos princípios de autonomia e de desenvolvimento nos países do Atlântico Sul. / From the delimitation of its terrestrial borders, Brazilian foreign insertion has had predominantly low contribution of its defense instrument. Between the governments of Luís Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2010) and Dilma Rousseff (2010-2014), the country defined new priorities and objectives in its international strategy, highlighting an assertive position in view of global multipolarity and a greater concern with security and defense issues. At the same time, the establishment of scenarios that require efforts to approximate foreign and defense policies has taken on greater importance. Given that the synergy between these policies makes it possible to maximize gains in the international performance of the State, the present work aims to analyze how this articulation contributes to the strengthening of the maritime dimension of the Brazilian strategic environment in the current scenario of revaluation of that space. Both the external scenario and the internal context were observed regarding the ideational, institutional and agenda-setting scope in the South Atlantic dimension, with a focus on Brazil-Africa relations. It is concluded that the contribution to the strengthening of the maritime dimension is accomplished through the creation and expansion of political, economic and military-strategic capacities, associated with the possibility of promoting the principles of autonomy and of development in South Atlantic countries.

Cette thèse questionne les choix de politiques publiques relatifs à l’organisation spatiale de la production de défense en tant que bien public. Notre cadre d’analyse permet d’intégrer le facteur spatial dans la modélisation de cette production.Comment intégrer l’espace en économie de la défense ? Comment l’espace structure-t-il l’organisation de la production de défense ? Et inversement, comment la production de défense structure-t-elle l’espace ? Notre travail s’intéresse plus particulièrement au cas de la France et plus précisément de la maintenance ou Maintien en Condition Opérationnelle (MCO) des matériels de défense. En France, selon la Direction Générale de l’Armement, les coûts de MCO se situent généralement entre 35 % et 50 % du coût global de possession des matériels. En 2012, ils représentaient environ 15 % du budget de la défense. La maîtrise de ces coûts est devenue un enjeu de premier ordre depuis les années 1990. Ils constituent un problème d’actualité : sur la période 2010-2014, ces dépenses vont augmenter de 8,7 % en moyenne. La bonne maîtrise du MCO vise à maintenir – ou améliorer – la disponibilité des matériels de défense tout en réduisant les coûts du MCO. Dans cet objectif, l’organisation spatiale du MCO est une dimension structurante d’un point de vue statique comme dynamique, compte tenu des évolutions à la fois du format des armées et de leurs équipements. La thèse est organisée autour de quatre chapitres : Le premier chapitre fait une revue de la littérature concernant les relations entre les activités de défense et les territoires dans lesquelles elles s’inscrivent. Le deuxième chapitre examine les transformations contemporaines de la défense française en termes de doctrine, de budget et de dimensionnement des armées pour identifier les conséquences géographiques de ces transformations. Le troisième chapitre s’intéresse à l’évolution du MCO des matériels de défense depuis la fin de la guerre froide. Nous étudions plus spécifiquement la disponibilité des matériels, l’évolution des coûts du MCO et les réformes mises en place par le décideur public pour améliorer le MCO. Le quatrième chapitre questionne l’organisation spatiale optimale du MCO. Notre modélisation montre que l’espace peut être un instrument d’optimisation des coûts du MCO des matériels de défense. Cependant, il demeure une contrainte dont il est difficile de s’affranchir en raison de l’existence de coûts de transport, mais aussi et surtout de la nature même des activités de défense. Nous modélisons alors une contrainte stratégique sous la forme d’un coût social opérationnel. Cette contrainte tient compte des spécificités intrinsèques des activités militaires (e.g. disponibilité des matériels, localisations stratégiques imposées). Elle nous permet de souligner et de discuter l’équilibre de forces qui existe entre agglomération et dispersion dans la production de MCO. L’apport de cette thèse est de permettre d’intégrer le facteur spatial dans la modélisation de la production de défense. Nous défendons l’idée que la compréhension de l’organisation de la production de défense ne peut se faire en faisant abstraction de l’espace. L’optimisation de l’effort de défense repose sur une dimension spatiale inhérente au concept même de défense et de territoire à défendre. En conséquence, les recherches sur l’optimalité de l’organisation de la production de défense ne peuvent que s’inscrire dans un cadre d’analyse spatiale. Cette méthodologie peut s’appliquer à d’autres dimensions de la défense que le MCO et dans un cadre multinational entre deux pays, plusieurs pays ou au sein d’une alliance. / This research discusses public policies related to the spatial organization of defense production as a public good with industrial dimensions. Our framework enables to incorporate the spatial factor in modeling such a production. How to integrate geographical space in defense economics? How does space structure the organization of defense production? Conversely, how does defense production structure space? Our research deals with the case of France and more particularly with the Maintenance Repair and Overhaul (MRO) of French defense equipment. In France, according to the Direction Générale de l’Armement, MRO costs represent between 35% and 50% of the whole life cycle cost of defense equipment. In 2012, they accounted for about 15% of total French defense budget. Optimizing MRO costs has become a top priority issue since the beginning of the 1990s. Such costs are still of concern during the 2010-2014 period, since maintenance equipment expenditures are rising about 8.7% on average. A good management of MRO aims at keeping – or improving – the availability of defense equipment while at the same time reducing MRO costs. With this objective and considering the evolution of the sizes of army sections and their equipment, the spatial organization of MRO appears as a structuring dimension from both static and dynamic perspectives. The dissertation is organized in four chapters: Chapter I is a literature review that legitimates the methodological approach adopted in this research. We survey the regional economics literature that has mainly focused on the location of defense activities within their surrounding economic environment. Chapter II examines the contemporary transformations in French defense (doctrine, budget and size of the army) in order to identify the geographic consequences of such changes. Chapter III deals with the evolution of MRO since the end of the Cold War. We study the evolution of the availability of military platforms, the MRO costs evolution and the main reforms that the French State put in place to improve the management of MRO. Chapter IV discusses the optimal spatial organization of defense MRO. Our model suggests that space provides an opportunity to optimize MRO cost. However, it remains a constraint that is hard to cope with, because of transport costs but also due to the military nature of MRO. We model a strategic constraint with an Operational Social Cost.This constraint takes into account the intrinsic specificities of military activities (e.g. availability of military platforms, strategic imposed locations). It allows us to underline and to discuss the balance of forces between agglomeration and dispersion in the production of defense MRO. The main contribution of this research is to incorporate space in modeling defense production. We defend the idea that the organization of defense production cannot be understood without taking space into account. Optimizing the defense effort is based on a spatial dimension inherent to the concept of defense itself and the territory that has to be defended. As a result, economic research about optimality in the spatial organization of defense should fit in a spatial framework. Beyond MRO matters, our methodology can be applied to other dimensions of defense and more particularly in a multinational framework with two countries, several countries or within an alliance.

This thesis explains Defense Policy Making process and its effects on weapons procurement in Turkey. Main focus will be on the institutions which shape, to various degrees, Turkey&rsquo / s defense policy and weapons procurement decisions. Thesis analyzes institutions like the National Defense Ministry, Council of Ministers, General Staff, Parliament and the Undersecretariat for Defense Industries, and places them in a historical context. Following a historical background, functions and authorities of these institutions are analyzed from a perspective of Constitutional Law. Actual conduct of the legal process, relations of institutions with each other, and their behavior are also examined. In order to demonstrate the Defense Policy Making and weapons procurement processes, case studies that reflect different possibilities of outcomes are highlighted.

In this paper I will offer an overview the evolution of civil liberties in the United States. These liberties, I argue, were meant to protect individuals from unwarranted exercises of power from the government, but ultimately were not intended to hamper the government’s ability to carry out basic government functions, such as self defense. Next, I examine the parallel evolution of the ability of the executive to exercise broad ranging powers in pursuit of foreign policy, especially in regard to self defense. After that I argue that the current policy not necessarily represent the administration choosing self defense over an individual’s civil liberties. Rather, it represents the notion that at a fundamental level, a state will always choose to pursue foreign policies designed to protect itself, and that even the domestic legal institutions that have evolved in the United States recognize that fact. / text

Studien utforskar området mellan den svenska integrationspolitiken som aktivt försöker komma ifrån nationalistiska uttryck och den svenska försvarspolitiken som tycks underhålla dessa. Integrationspolitiken har beskyllts för att ha varit allt för fokuserat på en uppfattning om att invandrare och svenskar har varsin kulturell särart. Detta har lett till en uppdelning om “vi” och “de Andra” och därmed integrationspolitikens misslyckande. Studien undersöker spår av denna uppdelning i försvarspolitiken. Syftet med studien är således att undersöka hur den försvarspolitiska diskursen i offentliga media konstruerar “svenskhet” och “den nationella gemenskapen”. Diskursteoretiska perspektiv används för att utforska hur olika strukturella nivåer påverkar identitetsskapande. Studien har genomförts genom diskursanalys av tidningsartiklar och blogginlägg. För det första konstrueras den nationella identiteten i relation till “signifikanta andra”. Den mest framträdande signifikanta andra i diskursen är Ryssland som konstrueras som en hotbild gentemot vilken Sverige identifierar sig. För det andra interagerar strukturer som Norden, EU och Nato i diskursen, och interpellerar subjektspositioner som solidaritet, neutralitet och nordisk gemenskap. Dessa internationella samarbeten diskuteras i relation till Sveriges roll internationellt samt de delade värderingar som de grundar sig på. För det tredje finns en underliggande hegemoni i nationalismen som grundas i nationalstater och som genomsyrar diskursen och påverkar hur den nationella identiteten konstrueras. / This study explores the area between the Swedish integration policy, which actively tries to get away from expressions of nationalism, and the Swedish defense policy that seems to maintain them. The integration policy has been accused of being too focused on the notion that immigrants and Swedes each have a distinct cultural nature. This has led to a division of "us" and "the Others" and thereby the failure of the integration policy. The study examines the traces of this division in defense policy. The purpose of this study is therefore to examine how the defense policy discourse in the public media constructs "Swedishness" and "the national spirit of community". Theoretical perspectives from discourse theory are used to explore how different structural levels affect the shaping of identity. The study was conducted through a discourse analysis of newspaper articles and blog posts. Firstly the national identity is constructed in relation to "significant others". The most prominent significant other in the discourse is Russia, which is constructed as a threat. This threat is one of the factors which defines what is and isn’t “Swedish”. Secondly, structures like the Nordic geopolitical area, the EU and NATO interact in the discourse, and interpellate subject positions such as solidarity, neutrality and a Nordic spirit of community. These international collaborations are discussed in relation to Sweden's role internationally and the shared values which they are based on. Thirdly, there is an underlying hegemony of nationalism which is based in nation states. It permeates the discourse and influences how national identity is constructed.

Desde a delimitação de suas fronteiras terrestres, a inserção externa brasileira teve predominantemente baixa contribuição do instrumento da defesa. Entre os governos de Luís Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2010) e de Dilma Rousseff (2010-2014), o país definiu novas prioridades e objetivos na sua estratégia de atuação internacional, evidenciando uma postura assertiva em vista da multipolaridade mundial e uma maior preocupação com temas de segurança e defesa. Simultaneamente, o delineamento de cenários que exigem esforços visando à aproximação entre as políticas externa e de defesa assumiu maior relevo. Tendo em vista que a sinergia entre tais políticas possibilita a maximização dos ganhos na atuação internacional do Estado, o presente trabalho tem como objetivo analisar como essa articulação contribui para o fortalecimento da vertente marítima do entorno estratégico brasileiro no cenário atual de revalorização desse espaço. Observou-se tanto o cenário externo como o contexto interno no que diz respeito ao âmbito ideacional, institucional e de formulação de agenda de atuação na dimensão sul-atlântica, com enfoque nas relações Brasil-África. Por fim, conclui-se que a contribuição para o fortalecimento da vertente marítima é realizada por meio da criação e ampliação de capacidades política, econômica e estratégico-militar, associadas à possibilidade de promoção dos princípios de autonomia e de desenvolvimento nos países do Atlântico Sul. / From the delimitation of its terrestrial borders, Brazilian foreign insertion has had predominantly low contribution of its defense instrument. Between the governments of Luís Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2010) and Dilma Rousseff (2010-2014), the country defined new priorities and objectives in its international strategy, highlighting an assertive position in view of global multipolarity and a greater concern with security and defense issues. At the same time, the establishment of scenarios that require efforts to approximate foreign and defense policies has taken on greater importance. Given that the synergy between these policies makes it possible to maximize gains in the international performance of the State, the present work aims to analyze how this articulation contributes to the strengthening of the maritime dimension of the Brazilian strategic environment in the current scenario of revaluation of that space. Both the external scenario and the internal context were observed regarding the ideational, institutional and agenda-setting scope in the South Atlantic dimension, with a focus on Brazil-Africa relations. It is concluded that the contribution to the strengthening of the maritime dimension is accomplished through the creation and expansion of political, economic and military-strategic capacities, associated with the possibility of promoting the principles of autonomy and of development in South Atlantic countries.

Submitted by PAULO DANIEL WATANABE null (p.daniel.w@uol.com.br) on 2016-03-16T16:54:42Z No. of bitstreams: 1 WATANABE_TESE FINAL.pdf: 1848396 bytes, checksum: 2f95961ad7f58e48f1bc7aa90b49cab6 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Juliano Benedito Ferreira (julianoferreira@reitoria.unesp.br) on 2016-03-18T13:49:39Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 watanabe_pd_dr_mar.pdf: 1848396 bytes, checksum: 2f95961ad7f58e48f1bc7aa90b49cab6 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-18T13:49:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 watanabe_pd_dr_mar.pdf: 1848396 bytes, checksum: 2f95961ad7f58e48f1bc7aa90b49cab6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-02-29 / A forma pela qual se reinseriu o Japão após sua derrota na Segunda Guerra Mundial faz do Arquipélago um modelo único nas relações internacionais. Com o fim do Império Nipônico, o Japão sofreu diversas mudanças que tiveram impacto na Política Externa japonesa ao longo de mais de 50 anos. Após reaver sua soberania em 1952, e por ser constitucionalmente proibido de manter Forças Armadas, o país formulou sua Política Externa e de Defesa tendo como o pilar principal os Estados Unidos da América, em uma posição de subordinação, como um “free rider”. Esperava-se, contudo, que tal condição não duraria por muito tempo. Previa-se que o Arquipélago se transformaria em uma potência militar assim que se transformasse em uma potência econômica. Até o final do século XX, o Japão não conseguiu atingir o status que lhe era previsto. Entretanto, a partir de 2001, o país ingressou-se em uma política revisionista, o que mudou conceitos, teorias e características que permeavam a Política Externa japonesa. O Japão decidiu mudar seu comportamento em Defesa, o que foi bem visto pelos EUA. A presente tese tem como objetivo analisar a Política de Defesa do Japão e suas principais mudanças na primeira década do século XXI. / The way Japan entered the international community after its defeat in World War II makes it a unique model in the international relations. After the end of the Japanese Empire, Japan has gone through many changes that impacted its foreign policy during the next 50 years. After restoring its sovereignty in 1952 and under a constitutional ban on any armed forces, Japan formulated its foreign and defense policy centered in the US, under a subordinated role, as a free rider. It was expected, however, that such condition would not last for a long time. It was expected that Japan would turn into a military power after being a economic power. At the end of the 20th century, Japan did not reach the role that was foreseen. Nevertheless, from 2001 on, Japan started a revisionist policy, which has changed concepts, theories and characteristics that described the Japanese foreign policy. Japan then decided to change its behavior in defense and it was welcomed by the US. This thesis analyses the defense policy of Japan and its main changes during the first decade of the 21st century.

Desde a delimitação de suas fronteiras terrestres, a inserção externa brasileira teve predominantemente baixa contribuição do instrumento da defesa. Entre os governos de Luís Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2010) e de Dilma Rousseff (2010-2014), o país definiu novas prioridades e objetivos na sua estratégia de atuação internacional, evidenciando uma postura assertiva em vista da multipolaridade mundial e uma maior preocupação com temas de segurança e defesa. Simultaneamente, o delineamento de cenários que exigem esforços visando à aproximação entre as políticas externa e de defesa assumiu maior relevo. Tendo em vista que a sinergia entre tais políticas possibilita a maximização dos ganhos na atuação internacional do Estado, o presente trabalho tem como objetivo analisar como essa articulação contribui para o fortalecimento da vertente marítima do entorno estratégico brasileiro no cenário atual de revalorização desse espaço. Observou-se tanto o cenário externo como o contexto interno no que diz respeito ao âmbito ideacional, institucional e de formulação de agenda de atuação na dimensão sul-atlântica, com enfoque nas relações Brasil-África. Por fim, conclui-se que a contribuição para o fortalecimento da vertente marítima é realizada por meio da criação e ampliação de capacidades política, econômica e estratégico-militar, associadas à possibilidade de promoção dos princípios de autonomia e de desenvolvimento nos países do Atlântico Sul. / From the delimitation of its terrestrial borders, Brazilian foreign insertion has had predominantly low contribution of its defense instrument. Between the governments of Luís Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2010) and Dilma Rousseff (2010-2014), the country defined new priorities and objectives in its international strategy, highlighting an assertive position in view of global multipolarity and a greater concern with security and defense issues. At the same time, the establishment of scenarios that require efforts to approximate foreign and defense policies has taken on greater importance. Given that the synergy between these policies makes it possible to maximize gains in the international performance of the State, the present work aims to analyze how this articulation contributes to the strengthening of the maritime dimension of the Brazilian strategic environment in the current scenario of revaluation of that space. Both the external scenario and the internal context were observed regarding the ideational, institutional and agenda-setting scope in the South Atlantic dimension, with a focus on Brazil-Africa relations. It is concluded that the contribution to the strengthening of the maritime dimension is accomplished through the creation and expansion of political, economic and military-strategic capacities, associated with the possibility of promoting the principles of autonomy and of development in South Atlantic countries.

Submitted by Irene Nascimento (irene.kessia@ufpe.br) on 2017-03-08T19:07:09Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) 1GARCIA__Stephanie_Q._A_Conformação_da_Politica_Brasileira_da_Defesa_para_as_Fronteiras_interaça2.pdf: 1401018 bytes, checksum: 57761f993a5be4585774b61a1efe4bc1 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-03-08T19:07:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) 1GARCIA__Stephanie_Q._A_Conformação_da_Politica_Brasileira_da_Defesa_para_as_Fronteiras_interaça2.pdf: 1401018 bytes, checksum: 57761f993a5be4585774b61a1efe4bc1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-02-24 / CNPQ / As fronteiras brasileiras historicamente têm sido regiões de alta relevância, palco de disputas e conquistas, além de possuírem papel importante na história da diplomacia que delineou os contornos do país. Entretanto, devido ao processo de globalização que se intensificou nos últimos anos, as fronteiras tornaram-se região estratégica para a atuação criminosa internacional. Os chamados crimes transnacionais constituem as vulnerabilidades existentes na faixa de fronteira. O narcotráfico, o tráfico ilegal de armas, o contrabando e outras ilicitudes geram reflexos negativos na esfera doméstica e na internacional. A multiplicidade de eventos nesta região chave demanda então uma abordagem diferenciada da questão. A cooperação interagência apresenta-se como uma solução interessante para tais vulnerabilidades. O presente trabalho busca compreender a construção da política brasileira de segurança e defesa das fronteiras via cooperação interagência. / The Brazilian borders have historically been areas of high relevance, scene of disputes and achievements, besides their important role in the history of diplomacy that outlined the contours of the country. However, due to the globalization that has intensified in the last years, the boundaries have become strategic region for international criminal activity. The so-called transnational crimes are existing vulnerabilities in the border region. Drug trafficking, illegal arms trafficking, smuggling and other illegal activity generate negative impacts on the domestic and international sphere. The multiplicity of events then demands a different approach to the issue. The interagency collaboration is presented as an interesting solution to these vulnerabilities. This paper seeks to understand the construction of Brazilian security and defense policy of borders via interagency cooperation.

Orientador: Shiguenoli Miyamoto / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-21T04:13:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Pereira_PriscilaRodrigues_M.pdf: 1021897 bytes, checksum: f32fbbf5a34ba26cdef409b487e0e592 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 / Resumo: Esta pesquisa tem por objetivo central analisar o comportamento do Poder Legislativo em cinco importantes momentos do processo de institucionalização da política de defesa do Brasil: (i) a aprovação da primeira versão da Política de Defesa Nacional; (ii) a criação do Ministério da Defesa; (iii) a aprovação da segunda versão da Política de Defesa Nacional; (iv) a aprovação da Estratégia Nacional de Defesa; e (v) a aprovação da Lei Complementar nº 136 de 2010 que, entre outros pontos, determina a criação do Livro Branco de Defesa Nacional. Tal processo abrange os mandatos dos governos de Fernando Henrique Cardoso e Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (1995 a 2010). Além da descrição de cada um dos momentos citados acima, é abordada a atuação do país na agenda de segurança regional e internacional e são levantados os meios disponíveis ao Congresso Nacional para efetivar sua participação na formulação de política de defesa. Os processos de aprovação de cada uma das políticas e leis são relatados de forma a proporcionar uma visualização da capacidade ou não que o Poder Legislativo tem para alterar matérias que em geral foram propostas pelo Poder Executivo. Por fim, o estudo identifica como o avanço na participação do Poder Legislativo em assuntos de política de defesa foi tímido, porém importante por significar um aumento de representatividade popular no tema / Abstract: This research aims to analyze the behavior of the central legislature in five key moments in the institutionalization of defense policy in Brazil: (i) the approval of the first version of the National Defense Policy, (ii) the creation of the Ministry of Defence (iii) the approval of the second version of the National Defense Policy, (iv) the approval of the National Defense Strategy, and (v) the approval of the Supplementary Law No. 136 of 2010 which, among other things, provides for the creation of the Book white National Defense. This process covers the mandates of the government of Fernando Henrique Cardoso and Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (1995-2010). Besides the description of each of the above moments, we discuss the performance of the country on the agenda of regional and international security and are raised the resources available to Congress in order to strengthen their participation in the formulation of defense policy. The approval processes for each of the policies and laws are related to provide a view of the Legislative Power?s capacity or not to change matters that in general have been proposed by the Executive Power. Finally, the study identifies how the progress in the participation of the Legislative Power in matters of defense policy was shy, but important because it signifies the increase of representation in popular theme / Mestrado / Paz, Defesa e Segurança Internacional / Mestre em Relações Internacionais