In a broad way, the main intention of this study is an attempt to analyze the changes the diplomatic competition between China and Taiwan in Latin America has brought to all the involved parties. How this competition have concentrated in just a few countries serving as Taiwan last stand hold against Chinese attempts to isolate it in the international community during the last three decades. The aim is to understand the whole evolution and dynamics of this great Asian issue elucidated in Latin America, and the way both China and Taiwan have behave to attract the favor of those small Latin American countries while those Latin American countries have also came to profit from this situation. Both, China and Taiwan have an almost symbiotic relationship with Latin America, relationship to become more and more important if current geopolitical and economic conditions were to continue. One side, Both China and Taiwan demand a great amount of Latin American natural resources to fuel their global industry. On the other side, Latin America demands more and more of the finished goods produced in China and Taiwan. The main research question the author will attempt to solve here is: ¡§Why are Latin American states shifting or considering shifting to China?¡¨ complementary questions intended to shed some light on the author¡¦s original assumptions are that Chinese economic growth is not the only explanation for Latin America¡¦s support of China. These questions are as follow: ¡§Does Latin American States perceive China as a threat? Has US double standard contributed to Taiwan losing its Latin American partners? Has Taiwanese implementation of Dollar diplomacy methods in some Latin American states something to do with its losing of supporters? A throughout analysis of both, the Chinese economic and geopolitical reach as well as Latin American¡¦s own search for economic, political and ideological independence from US are the main explanatory for the changes observed in this triangular relationship. Nevertheless, a series of unorthodox foreign policy methods such as ¡¥Dollar Diplomacy¡¦ conditioned foreign aid, have also contributed to these changes.

China-Taiwan relations have been for decades a hot issue in East Asia as well as worldwide. The thesis researches on the China’s foreign policy toward Latin America and the Caribbean region in terms of competition with Taiwan for diplomatic recognition from the perspective of zero-sum and non zero-sum game. This study’s objective is to examine the impact of recently improved cross-Strait relations on the intensity of diplomatic competition for recognition in Latin America and the Caribbean between both sides of the Strait. Two following questions are going to be answered: Is a complete victory in diplomatic competition in Latin America and the Caribbean region a short-term goal for the PRC? How can China’s refusal of its diplomatic recognition by Paraguay be interpreted? First, literature review and theoretical framework is provided. Second, China’s and Taiwan’s policy towards Latin America and the Caribbean is researched. Third, cross- Strait rapproachement is depicted. Fourth, relations between the PRC and Taiwan after year 2005 are presented. Fifth, three case studies of Costa Rica, Panama, Paraguay are discussed. In the study I am going to look for evidence to prove that the rapprochement and the new cross-Strait diplomacy are good signs of non-zero sum game between Taiwan and China with a significant impact on diplomatic competition in Latin America and the Caribbean region. To fulfil the aim of this master thesis I am using secondary data. The scope of the paper in terms of the time period is from the establishment of the PRC but the bigger part of the paper is focused on the recent events.

本文主旨在分析構成撒哈拉以南的非洲國家決定中斷或抑制承認中華民國為主權國家原因。過去的幾十年來，中華民國的邦交國數目大幅下降，大部分位於撒哈拉沙漠以南的非洲國家都在其中。舉例來說，1964年是中華民國在非洲地區外交上的 峰期，台北獲得了22個國家的承認。然而，現今只剩下3個國家的承認。 這個研究計劃，企圖藉由關注研究撒哈拉沙漠以南的非洲國家不繼續承認台北的動機，使這種趨勢能更加被瞭解。這點是非常重要的，因為自1960年以來，中華民國已經將非洲視為在其謀求國際承認最有潛力的區域。而在這個層面，便不能輕忽中華人民共和國在其中所扮演的角色。驅使在“一個中國”的原則下，北京當局在推動提昇這些國家的整體國家利益上所擁有的能力，對中華民國在撒哈拉沙漠以南的非洲友邦國家而言，是推動他們轉向，開啟兩個中國外交競爭的一股重要力量。為了解釋這一種傾向，本文應用了新現實主義理論和其中的“bandwagon behaviour”模說明。 筆者預期本文能達到的目的包含了提供一個新的視角來看待中華民國與非洲的關係，用來評估非洲國家對於此問題所持有的立場。筆者希望能夠針對現今中華民國和非洲國家間脆弱的外交地位，帶來新的見解，並進一步提供關於非洲各國和中華民國之間關係的科學論證。 / This thesis aims to analyze the possible reasons shaping the sub-Saharan African states’ decisions in withdrawing or refraining from recognizing the Republic of China (ROC). In the last decades the number of the ROC’s diplomatic allies has decreased drastically and the majority of states located south of the Sahara Desert have taken part in this process. For instance, at the peak of its success in Africa in 1964, Taipei was recognized by twenty two countries. Yet, today it is only recognized by three states. The research conducted is an attempt to provide a better understanding of this trend by focusing on the sub-Saharan African states’ motivations in not extending recognition to Taipei. This is important because since the 1960s, Africa has become a potential area in the ROC’s quest for international recognition. In this regard, one should not disregard the role of the People’s Republic of China. Within the “one China” principle, Beijing’s capacity in advancing these states national interests has been an important driving force in diverting sub-Saharan countries’ allegiance from the ROC in the two China’s diplomatic competition. In order to explain this tendency, the Neo-realism theory and its “bandwagon” behavior will be applied. The expected contributions from this work include a new perspective on the ROC-Africa relations in which an evaluation of the African stance regarding this issue is proposed. The author hopes to bring new insights on the current vulnerable diplomatic position of the ROC in Africa, thus further contributing to the scientific debate on the relationships between African countries and the ROC.