published_or_final_version / abstract / Chinese / Master / Master of Philosophy

有唐近三百年，是詩歌大放異彩的黃金時代．對於題材的選取，可謂包羅萬象；自應 制宴遊、風花雪月，以至靈異鬼怪等均有．其中關於詠史懷古的題材，每為詩人墨客 所取用，他們常將個人存在的意識，融入作品當中，將朝代的興亡，與自然永恆不變 的定律互相對照．或嘆王者偉業的徒勞，或憐美人命運的坎坷．期望依循歷史腳步的 探索，得到心靈的激盪與迴響． 漢唐兩代，是同為中國人引以為傲的偉大時代，迄今「漢學」、「唐人」，猶為光榮 的稱號，得以聞名於世．然此兩大帝國建立的徹會型態，均呈現出禮法較為疏闊的情 形．因此，女主臨朝，獨斷擅行者有之；女性離婚、再嫁者亦不以為諱．漢唐有如此 相近的時代背景，自亦影響於詩歌的流衍．是以欲借唐人以漢代婦女為主題詩歌的研 究，以探求唐代歷史的部分真貌． 本研究以文獻法為主，從全唐詩中蒐羅提及漢代婦女，如王昭君、陳皇后、班婕妤、 李夫人、趙飛燕、戚夫人等之詩作，計有四百六十餘首．其中援引以為主題者，約有 一百六十餘首之多．進而分析此一百六十餘首詩歌的內容、作者、歷史故實；繼而探 討唐代相關的歷史，蹦尋繹其中的脈絡，加以綜合歸納．期能一窺這些詩歌與唐代歷 史的關係，對中國文學、歷史的研究，提供若干參考． 本文共分五章．第一章蓄論．第二章漢唐婦女生活的異同．第三章唐人借漢代婦女為 主題以突顯和親政策的詩歌．第四章唐人借漢代婦女為主題以突顯后妃得寵怨棄的詩 歌．第五章結論．論詩部分重其大意，而略於技巧與風格．至於作者部分，則多參考 前賢成說，間中有所發明者，則稍作補充．

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Five-character poetry is an important poems form in Chinese Literature, which have five-character-four-sentences, six-sentences, eight-sentences, ten-sentences,twelve-sentences or even longer. Although the regulated verse form got into matured in Tang Dynasty,but it was brewing in the Southern Qi Liang.Start from Southern Song Dynasty,five-character poetry was gradually appeared into a large number,especially of the five-character-eight-sentences poetry.However, among the academia only focus on researching poetry rhythm and the antithesis,did not put efford into research the structure of five-character poem.This thesis focuses on this phenomenon,based on the number of five-character poems and the poems structure,try to research the process of five-character poems evolve into regulated verse.

published_or_final_version / Fine Arts / Master / Master of Philosophy

東漢末年，一種名為「塔」的宗教建築物，隨著佛教的傳入而與之同時進入中國，成為崇敬禮拜的信仰中心。在佛教於中國的傳播過程中，塔的定位隨著宗教空間需求的擴大、以及中國固有王權空間觀念的影響而不斷的調適演變，逐漸的喪失了原本禮佛與信仰的中心地位，而轉變成為寺廟中缺乏實質用途的裝飾象徵性建築物。隋唐時期，先有隋文帝於仁壽年間大規模的造塔活動，使佛塔的建築與信仰普及全國，後有唐代重視休閒娛樂活動的社會風氣，並進而與科舉文化相結合，使得高聳的佛塔也同時成為得以享受登臨與題名之樂的風景名勝，具有更為世俗化的形象。 此外，多部講述造塔功德的佛經於唐代加以翻譯，使得唐代佛教徒以塔為墓風氣盛行，而民間功德塔的興造也非常興盛。在塔的概念與形象轉變方面，「以塔鎮地」概念的出現；佛塔高聳筆直、層層累疊的建築外型，也被用來指稱外觀或概念近似的建築物。最後，塔所突現出的垂直向度，也容易引申出人們各種關於崇敬、焦慮、與好奇的情緒：既是膜拜禮敬、溝通凡聖、得以消滅罪障的神聖空間，卻也是異常高聳、攀登不易的危險場所，甚至還是異人藏寶、夜叉棲居的奇特領域，而成為形象多元並具備豐富色彩的文學空間。甚至，具體而微的掌中小塔，也因為佛塔靈驗奇特的形象，而被延伸發展成為具有保護功能的隔離所。這些複雜神奇之各種異想的出現，也預示出塔在隋唐之後所即將呈現出之更為璀燦豐富的文化面貌。 / As a unique architecture of Buddhism, the Buddhist pagoda immigrated into China in the Han dynasty. Pagodas were built widespreadly as the religion center in the following centuries. However, after emerging with the traditional Chinese architecture concept, the main hall replaced the pagoda becoming the center of Buddhist temple gradually. In the Sui and Tang dynasties, various forms of the pagoda were presented because of the popular acceptance of Buddhism in the society and of the newly translated Buddhist Scriptures. In the form of tall pagodas of large temples in the capital to the small ones as memorials of eminent monks, the pagodas presented various images and were completely transformed from foreign architecture to the Chinese building. In the peace period, activities around the pagodas were recorded in documents and literatures forming a unique landscape in the Tang culture. Combination of the images of tall obvious building and holy religious space, lots of implications, other than solely Buddhist architecture, appeared in the literatures. Arising from the sensation to the architecture space and from the miraculous legends and tales, diversified and colorful imaginations have enriched the culture of Sui and Tang dynasties. Based on the literatures, historical documents, Buddhist Scriptures, architecture researches, and archaeological excavation, the details of different presentations and implications of the pagoda were demonstrated and concluded.

This thesis provides a detailed interpretation of three key texts described in Egyptological research as "coronation inscriptions:" the Historical Inscription of Hatshepsut, Thutmose III's Texte de la jeunesse, and Horemheb's Turin inscription. Similarities and differences between these texts, as well as other sources, both textual and pictorial, are discussed. A clear terminology is laid out, distinguishing between accession (the royal heir becoming king at the death of their predecessor), crowning (the action of placing the crowns on the new king's head), and coronation ceremony (following the accession by some time on which occasion the new ruler would have been bestowed with the crowns and regalia of his office, perhaps for the first time). The main aim of this thesis is to determine whether it would be accurate to label the discussed texts as coronation inscriptions and, if not, how they can best be described. It is determined that the evidence supports the earlier conclusion reached by Redford, that it would be incorrect to speak of a “coronation ceremony” in the dynastic period, for new kings would have been crowned at their accessions in a palace setting, soon after the death of their predecessors, this followed some time later by a public “appearance ceremony” in a temple festival setting. While it is determined that Thutmose III's inscription describes the time when kingship was predicted to him, it is concluded that the Hatshepsut and Horemheb texts narrate exceptional events on which occasion their accessions in a palace and public "appearance ceremonies" intersected.

This study highlights the influence of the Ming-Qing transition on legal justice in China. According to mainstream sinicisation (Hanhua ..) theory, Manchu was assimilated into the Han majority and ruled China using the old Ming government system. This study proves otherwise via an extensive examination of the transition’s effect on legal justice, particularly the abolition of the prefectural judge (tuiguan..) position during the early Qing Dynasty. In the Yuan and Ming eras, judges emerged as unique officials specialising in juridical responsibilities and demonstrating the sophistication of legal justice. However, institutional reform during the Qing Dynasty pushed local administrators (prefects; zhifus..) into taking over prefectural judiciary responsibilities, gradually blurring the functional line between justice and civil executives until prefectural judges were ultimately banished from service. This study investigates the reasons behind the elimination of the prefectural judge position and the decline of legal professionalism in sixteenth and seventeenth century China. The findings demonstrate the great differences between the Ming and Qing legal systems and an alternative perspective for assessing the significance of the Ming-Qing transition is proposed.

中國歷代政府均視地方治安為重要的政治議題，治安議題也就成為治史者瞭解古代中國政治運作的一門路徑。過去有關「明清基層社會與治安」的研究，向為中外學者頗感興趣的課題。本文的重點是討論明清之際基層社會的治安管理情況，為此提出了四個既是獨立但又環環相扣的問題。有別於過往研究，本文將以捕役這類普遍存在於明清基層社會，而又備受現今學者忽略的基層公務員為切入點，首先重新梳理他們在明清之際出現的原因以及演變過程，解釋他們在明中後期才成為專門的治安人員，並釐清包括捕役在內的應捕人專責維持社會秩序。其次, 闡述捕役在基層社會中的職能，指出他們擁有頗大的治安和司法權力。接著討論捕役機制存在待遇差劣以及人手編排不足等制度性問題，因而促使捕役濫用職權，從而達到經濟和治安目的。至於捕役犯罪情節的內容和影響，本文摒棄傳統以小說內容入手的做法，改以多部判牘內有關捕役犯罪的真實個案着手，得出「誣良為盜」和「屈打成招」是他們最常見的犯罪行為的結論，這些罪行對基層社會的治安和司法運作造成重大問題。最後把焦點從治安人員轉移到管理這些群體的地方官員上，透過地方官員對待捕役的態度，反映官員在治安管理上的困難和理解。他們一方面面對統治者的治安要求，另一方面又受制度上及資源上的限制，所以只能以加重懲罰的高壓方法來提高捕役完成治安任務的可能和減低他們犯罪的機會。這種態度表層意義反映他們只視捕役為「治安工具」，更深層意義是揭示地方官員對治安管理的終極理解──完成治安任務。要言之，本文透過捕役以及管理這些治安人員的地方官員，帶出地方治安管理的政策和問題，以另一個角度，瞭解明清之際基層社會的治安情況和特色。study focuses on the social public order and management of the local society during the Ming-Qing transition. Four independent but related questionsare raised for discussions to achieve such aims. First of all, this thesis focuses onthe buyi (捕役, literally local constables). They were a type of grass-root civilservant which permeates the local society of the Ming-Qing period, but long beenignored by the modern historians. In order to understand how they becameindispensable public security staffs and to clarify their responsiblities, their rolesand deeds in the transition period between Ming and Qing, as well as theirtransformation process in the due course are discussed. Secondly, the functions ofbuyi in the local society are explored to point out the great power on security andjudicial aspect they had seized. After that the institutional issues including a lackof manpower and low remuneration level are discussed, as such issues had pushedthe buyi to misuse their power to seek for their own benefits. The third questionrelated to the criminal committed by the buyi. In this chapter the crimes of thebuyi are reconstructed from judicial casebooks rather than the late Ming novels.From such cases the most common crimes of those buyi are fallen into thecatergories of Accused on innocent person and Tortured for confessions . Suchcrimes were serious problem to the local judiciary as well as the social order. Atlast our focus is shifted from those local security staff to those local officials. Inorder to reveal the difficulties and understanding on maintaining local social orderfrom the viewpoint of officials, how they treated those buyi is thoroughlydiscussed. On one hand the officials had to obey the nationwide policies imposedto them by the imperial authority, on the other hand they were restricted by thelocal institutions and resources, therefore the officials could only raise the level ofpenalties so as to lower the possibility of those buyi to commit crimes, and also toimprove their willingness to fulfil their duty. Such difficulties of the officialsmade them to treat the buyi as tools for social order maintenance . Incidentally, itrevealed that the ultimate understanding of Ming-Qing local officials on socialorder maintenance was to accomplish on surface their missions of social orderissued from their seniors, other than establish solutions to uproot sources ofcrimes or to build an effective and uncorrupted force of local constables.To conclude, this thesis asks us to pay attention to the policies and issues onlocal social order of late imperial China by exploring the buyi and the localofficials whom managing them.

abstract: During the twelfth century, three new schools of Daoism were founded in North China: Quanzhen (Complete Perfection), Taiyi (Supreme Unity), and Dadao (Great Way). While Quanzhen has received much scholarly attention, the others have been largely ignored. By focusing on just one school--Dadao--as in depth as possible and within the historical context, I hope to elucidate the flourishing state of Daoism in North China during the twelfth through fourteenth centuries beyond just the activity of the Quanzhen school. To that end, I have amassed sixteen inscriptions and records, as well as reconstructed one inscription previously incomplete, and added them to the eleven inscriptions and records published in the Daojia jinshi lüe and the three pieces of Yuan-dynasty poetry and prose contained in the Nan Song chu Hebei xin Daojiao kao. This has doubled the available source material. Most of these have been previously published individually, but have never been studied in conjunction with the other known Dadao texts. The result is the most comprehensive study of the school in over seventy-five years, in which I also present a new understanding of the school’s founder, how the lineages developed, and the school’s ultimate fate. The portrait of the school which emerges from this dissertation challenges the notion that Dadao was nothing more than a minor variation of the Quanzhen school or is otherwise unworthy of scholarly attention. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation East Asian Languages and Civilizations 2017