A presente tese tem por objetivo principal estudar a legitimação jurídico-moral da regulação estatal. Trata-se de tema de grande relevância e extrema atualidade em decorrência de dois fatores. Por um lado, desde o fenômeno da virada kantiana e da retomada da preocupação com o estabelecimento de uma teoria da justiça, tornou-se necessária a análise de justificação jurídico-moral de toda e qualquer instituição político-jurídica positivada. Por outro lado, entre as inúmeras instituições político-jurídicas positivadas, cresce cada vez mais a utilização das medidas jurídicas regulatórias, através das quais o Poder Público direciona ou controla a conduta dos agentes com o intuito de atingir determinada finalidade. Instituto econômico que é, ao interferir na alocação de riquezas, bens e serviços no mercado, a regulação estatal há tempos já vem sendo objeto de análise em uma perspectiva de legitimação econômica. Tradicionalmente, ainda dentro do paradigma da racionalidade, os economistas sempre apontaram as falhas de mercado como as razões a justificar as regulações estatais em um viés econômico. Mais recentemente, por sua vez, os adeptos da economia comportamental, rompendo ou relativizando as lições da Rational Choice Theory, têm apontado também as ações irracionais em heurística como razões a justificar as regulações estatais em um viés econômico. Ocorre, entretanto, que a regulação estatal é um instituto interdisciplinar. Ao direcionar ou controlar a conduta dos indivíduos, limitando ou implementando direitos e liberdades, a regulação constitui instituto simultaneamente jurídico e moral. A presente tese, portanto, buscará apresentar as razões a servir de justificação para a regulação estatal em uma perspectiva jurídico-moral. Neste ponto, adotar-se-á como paradigma de aferição de legitimação jurídico-moral das instituições político-jurídicas positivadas (entre as quais as regulações estatais) um liberalismo-republicano, consistente na compatibilização do liberalismo-igualitário com um republicanismo moderado. Desta forma, o estudo buscará defender a possibilidade de a legitimação jurídico-moral das diversas regulações estatais encontrar fundamento em um ou alguns de três valores jurídico-morais: a autonomia individual privada, as condições igualitárias e a autonomia pública. No que diz respeito à implementação da autonomia individual privada e das condições igualitárias, primeiramente, a tese defenderá a possibilidade de ser realizada uma nova leitura jurídico-moral dos institutos econômicos das falhas de mercado e das ações irracionais em heurística. Neste sentido, o conceito de falhas de mercado e o conceito de ações irracionais em heurística, em uma leitura jurídico-moral como razões a justificar a legitimação das regulações estatais, devem ser entendidos como situações em que o atuar livre dos agentes no mercado viole ou deixe de implementar os valores jurídico-morais fundamentais da autonomia individual privada e das condições igualitárias. Ainda no que diz respeito às influências liberal-igualitárias, a tese sustentará que, mesmo na inexistência de falhas de mercado ou de ações irracionais em heurística, será possível o estabelecimento de regulações estatais que encontrem justificação no valor jurídico-moral fundamental da igualdade, desde que tais regulações estejam destinadas a implementar as condições igualitárias mínimas necessárias à manutenção da própria autonomia individual privada e da dignidade humana. Por outro lado, no que diz respeito às influências republicanas, será exposto que as regulações estatais podem encontrar legitimação jurídico-moral também no valor jurídico-moral fundamental da autonomia pública. A saber, as regulações podem se encontrar legitimadas jurídico-moralmente quando da implementação dos projetos e políticas deliberados pelos cidadãos e pela sociedade no exercício da soberania popular, desde que tais projetos coletivos não violem os requisitos mínimos de dignidade humana dos indivíduos. A tese defenderá que os princípios da proporcionalidade e da igualdade podem exercer um papel de destaque na análise de legitimação jurídico-moral das regulações estatais. O princípio da proporcionalidade, neste ponto, será útil instrumental metodológico na aferição de legitimação jurídico-moral de uma medida regulatória em uma perspectiva interna, quando da aferição da relação estabelecida entre os meios e os fins da regulação. O princípio da igualdade, por sua vez, será útil instrumental metodológico na aferição de legitimação jurídico-moral de uma medida regulatória em uma perspectiva comparativa entre as diversas medidas regulatórias existentes. Por fim, uma vez enfrentados os pontos mais sensíveis pertinentes à justificação de toda e qualquer medida regulatória bem como estabelecida uma teoria geral acerca da legitimação jurídico-moral da regulação estatal, a presente tese realizará um estudo de caso acerca da legitimação jurídico-moral especificamente das regulações que utilizam argumentos de natureza paternalista. Trata-se de regulações que, ao direcionar a conduta de agentes com o intuito de zelar por bens, direitos e interesses destes próprios indivíduos cuja liberdade é restringida, apresentam-se extremamente controversas. Será exposto que, desde a clássica obra On Liberty de JONH STUART MILL, o paternalismo jurídico vem sendo tradicionalmente associado a uma conotação pejorativa de violação aos valores jurídico-morais fundamentais. A tese, porém, adotará posição segundo a qual as regulações paternalistas podem eventualmente encontrar legitimação jurídico-moral na promoção ou proteção dos valores jurídico-morais fundamentais da autonomia individual privada e da igualdade. Além disto, defenderá o estudo que os institutos econômicos das falhas de mercado da assimetria de informações e dos problemas de coordenação bem como os institutos econômicos das ações irracionais em heurística, adotados na nova leitura jurídico-moral proposta, servirão de instrumental útil na identificação das situações em que tais regulações paternalistas se encontram legitimadas jurídico-moralmente diante da premissa liberal-republicana. / The main objective of this thesis is to study the juridical-moral legitimation of public regulation. The theme is both important and current due to two factors. On one hand, since the Kantian turn and the retake of the concern with the establishment of a theory of justice, it became necessary to analyze the juridical-moral justification of every single positive political-juridical institution. On the other hand, among the countless positive political-juridical institutions, each day it increases the use of regulation, measures trough witch the State directs or controls the conducts of the agents in order to achieve a certain goal. Being an economic institution, as it interferes in the allocation of wealth, goods and services in the market, public regulation has already been for years object of analysis in a perspective of economic legitimation. Traditionally, still inside the paradigm of rationality, the economists have always pointed out the market failures as reasons to justify public regulation in an economic sense. More recently, the followers of the behavioral economics, breaking up with or mitigating the lessons of the Rational Choice Theory, have pointed out also the irrational actions in heuristics as reasons to justify public regulations in an economic sense. It happens, though, that regulation is an interdisciplinary institution. While it directs or controls conducts of individuals, limiting or enforcing rights and liberties, regulation presents itself also and at the same time as a juridical and moral institution. The thesis, then, will try to present the reasons that can be used in the justification of public regulation in a juridical-moral perspective. At this point, it will be used as a paradigm for the juridical-moral legitimation of the positive political-juridical institutions (among them the public regulation) a republican-liberalism, witch consists in an agreement established between the egalitarian-liberalism and a moderate conception of the republicanism. So being, the study will try to defend that the juridical-moral legitimation of the many existent public regulations can find foundation in one or some of three juridical-moral values: private individual autonomy, egalitarian conditions, and public autonomy. Concerning the enforcement of private individual autonomy and of egalitarian conditions, at first place, the thesis will defend the possibility of a new juridical-moral reading of the economic institutions of market failures and of irrational actions in heuristics. The concept of market failures and the concept of irrational actions in heuristic, in a juridical-moral reading as reasons to justify the legitimation of public regulations, should be understood as situations in witch the free acting of the agents in the market violates or isnt capable of enforcing the fundamental juridical-moral values of private individual autonomy and of egalitarian conditions. Still concerning the egalitarian-liberal influences, the thesis will hold up that, even when market failures and irrational actions in heuristics do not exist, it will be possible the establishment of public regulations that find justification in the juridical-moral foundation of equality, as long as these regulations are bound to improve the egalitarian conditions necessary to the maintenance of human dignity and private individual autonomy. On the other hand, concerning the republican influences, it will be shown that public regulation can find juridical-moral legitimation also in the fundamental juridical-moral value of public autonomy. This means that regulations might be juridical-morally legitimate when they implement projects and policies deliberated by citizens and society in the exercise of popular sovereignity, as long as these collective projects do not violate the minimum standards necessary to ensure human dignity. The thesis will defend that the principles of proportionality and of equality may play an important role in the analysis of juridical-moral legitimation of public regulation. The principle of proportionality can be an useful methodological instrument in the analysis of the juridical-moral legitimation of a regulatory measure in an internal perspective, questioning the relationship established between the means and ends of the regulation. The principle of equality, on its turn, can be an useful methodological instrument in the analysis of the juridical-moral legitimation of a regulatory measure in a comparative perspective between the numerous existent regulatory measures. At last, once studied the most important issues concerning the justification of every single regulatory measure and once established a general theory about the juridical-moral legitimation of public regulation, the thesis will develop a case study about the juridical-moral legitimation specifically of the regulations that use paternalistic arguments in their support. Those regulatory measures, as they direct the conducts of agents aiming to protect goods, rights and interests of these same individuals whose liberties are restricted, are very controversial. It will be shown that, since the classical work On Liberty by JOHN STUART MILL, legal paternalism has been traditionally associated to a negative connotation of fundamental juridical-moral value violation. The thesis, though, will adopt the position that regulatory measures may find juridical-moral legitimation in the enforcement or protection of the fundamental juridical-moral values of private individual autonomy and of equality. Besides, it will hold up that the economic institutions of market failures information asymmetry and coordination problems as well as the economic institutions of irrational actions in heuristics, adopted in the new juridical-moral reading suggested, may be useful tools in the identification of the situations in witch such paternalistic regulations are juridical-morally legitimate in face of the republican-liberalism.

The project has been implemented as teacher driven action research, where subject-specific reading was studied in classroom practitioners and analyzed by using Legitimation Code Theory (LCT). The purpose was, partly to research which linguistic domains the teachers used in the part detailed reading in Reading to Learn (R2L) and how the discursive movement looked, and partly if progression could be seen during a school year and in that case, how it affected the educators’ teaching.    Participating in the study were four teachers working in a Swedish gymnasium: a chemistry teacher and a teacher of social studies, who were working in academic preparatory programs and a teacher in Swedish as a second language and a teacher in history in one of the introductory programs. The leader of the project and author of this study is also a teacher and colleague to the participants. Totally, twelve observations of detailed reading were implemented: three observations each teacher during one academic year.    The most prominent characteristic of the project was how the teachers, by becoming aware of the linguistic domains, changed their way of using detailed reading and by using the discursive movement, they were able to make semantic waves. The experience of the teachers was that through the action research they received new tools to develop their subject-specific reading and therefore the students’ language and knowledge increased which contributed to a higher object achievement. Notable was that all students seemed to benefit from detailed reading, even the high performing and/or the students with Swedish as their native language.    The result of this study may be relevant to studies on how to augment classroom practices to better implement the subject-specific reading which may lead to change for both teachers and students, regardless of students’ language and knowledge level, stage, or subject.

行政官員與立法委員於立法院的政策論述，是代議民主體制中政策合法化過程的核心，論述內容是否具備審議民主精神係影響政策合法性及未來執行過程的關鍵因素，但相關主題過去卻為學界所忽略。本文從審議民主觀點探究行政官員與立法委員的政策合法化論述，透過個案比較研究法，選取大學法與私立學校法的修法過程進行內容分析。研究結果顯示，立法委員的政策合法化論述主要以監督、連任、與政策為目標，其互惠性、多元性、尊重性、與合理性皆有待加強；行政官員的論述則是基於課責、回應、及責任等考量，但大多論述皆過於保守與消極，缺乏合理性之精神。兩者論述內容的差異及審議民主精神之缺乏，應與各自的制度性角色要求相關。基於研究發現，本文主張立法委員的論述應多聚焦於政策方案內容，行政官員則應更為主動、積極，以更符合回應與責任的要求、提升政策論述的審議精神。本文亦建議，立法院應針對政策合法化過程建立完整的公開記錄制度。本文為一初探性嘗試，未來學界可根據實務觀察，設計更完善的評估指標，或輔以制度論角度，裨益於對立法委員與行政官員的政策合法化論述有更完整地解釋。 / Administrators and legislators’ policy discourse in the Legislative Yuan is the core of policy legitimation under the representative democracy. The content of discourse with deliberative democracy spirit, ignored by the academics in the past, will influence policy legitimation and policy implementation. This study investigates administrators and legislators’ policy legitimation discourse from the perspective of deliberative democracy. The author selected the processes of amending the University Act and the Private School Law by comparative study of cases, and used content analysis method. The results show legislators take the supervision, reelection, and policy as their purposes in the discourse of policy legitimation. The attributes such as reciprocity, diversity, respect, and reasonableness in the legislators’ policy legitimation discourse have a great room for improvement. Administrators would mainly consider accountability, responsiveness, and responsibility during the discourse. Administrators are always conservative and passive, and the discourse is a lack of the reasonableness. The difference between legislators and administrators’ discourses may relate to respective institutional roles. Accordingly, this study suggests legislators focus on the content of policy proposal. This study also recommends administrators be more active and enthusiastic to answer to the requirement of responsiveness and responsibility, and to promote the deliberative spirit of the discourse. Besides, the author proposes the Legislative Yuan institutionalize the complete and open records of the policy legitimation. This research is the pilot study. Therefore, in the future, the academics could design more appropriate evaluative indicators, or can be integrated by the perspective of the institutionalism for better explanation of administrators and legislators’ policy legitimation discourse.

Siegfried Kracauer a fait remarquer, déjà en 1931, que le bestseller est un « signe d’une expérience sociologique réussie ». Dans le cas des émissions littéraires à la télévision, nous assistons à une double configuration d’un succès : celui de l’émission, puis celui du livre. Au- delà de leur influence sur la consommation des livres, les programmes médiatiques sur la littérature font partie de l’ensemble de lieux communs (Robert, 2002) et, comme les écoles ou les institutions littéraires, participent à l’établissement des traditions de lecture. Ils présentent explicitement ou implicitement les titres désirables et prescrivent les normes de lecture acceptées. En présélectionnant des livres pour des milliers de gens à la fois, en invitant des auteurs à présenter leur œuvres ou en mettant en vedette des critiques littéraires, ces programmes de formats fort différents participent aux processus de légitimation culturelle. Cette thèse décrit les différentes modalités des formes de présentation du fait littéraire à la télévision et leurs évolutions. À travers une analyse d’une sélection d’émissions qui ont connu du succès à différentes époques et dans différents contextes culturels, cette recherche vise à cerner la relation médiatique qui existe entre la littérature et la télévision. Établissant ainsi les caractéristiques d’une expérience socio-médiatique réussie, cette thèse explore le dispositif de l’émission littéraire télévisuelle tel qu’il s’est développé entre 1950 et 2010, principalement en étudiant les émissions qui ont marqué la télévision nationale et le paysage littéraire en Allemagne, en Espagne et en France. En décrivant le dispositif médiatique qui fait le lien entre la conception, la production, le contenu et la portée de ces émissions, à travers une approche comparée et intermédiale, cette recherche analyse le complexe réseau de médiations qui entrent en jeu dans la construction et dans la réception de ces émissions, suivant quatre axes thématiques: le dispositif médiatique, la relation avec l’écrivain, le rôle primordial du présentateur et la mise en scène des lecteurs. / Siegfried Kracauer famously noted, in 1931, that the bestseller is the « sign of a successful sociological experience ». In the case of televised literary shows, we witness a double configuration of such a success: that of the television show and that of the book. Like the book, the literary shows depend on various factors that are sometime difficult to identify, such as the socio-historical context, the collective imaginary tied to the book and to the activity of reading, as well as the media context. Beyond their influence on the purchase of books, these literary shows constitute a part of the common spaces (Robert, 2002) and, just like the schools and literary institutions, participate in the establishment of reading traditions. They present – explicitly or implicitly – the titles considered desirable and prescribe the norms for accepted readings. By selecting books for thousands of people at a time, by inviting authors to present their works or by featuring literary critics, these shows participate in the process of cultural legitimation. This thesis describes and analyses the various ways of portraying the literary world on television and its evolutions through time and in changing cultural contexts. By analysing a selection of successful shows, it describes the existing relationship between the two media that are the book and the television. Establishing thus the characteristics of an experience that touches both media and sociology, this thesis explores the literary show’s apparatus as it developed between 1950 and 2010, mainly by studying literary programmes that marked national television and the literary field in France, Germany, and Spain. By describing the media apparatus that establishes the link between the conception, the production, the content and the impact of these shows, through a comparative and intermedial approach, this research analyses the complex network of mediations that interplay in the construction and the reception of these shows. It does so by following four key points: the media apparatus, the changing relationship with the writer, the primordial role of the presenter, and the staging of the readers.

1- A l'origine il y a ces questions lancinantes :2- Pourquoi ne pas oublier l'esclavage ?3- Mais aussi pourquoi tenterions-nous d'oublier l'esclavage ? Pourquoi cette mémoire obscure qui occulte notre passé, conditionne notre présent et obère notre avenir, agit-elle comme une frontière ?- Est-ce parce qu'étant Noirs notre barque dès le départ déjà bien chargée, ne peux désormais nous permettre d'exister avec ce souvenir ?- Est-ce parce que l'esclavage est - depuis l'aube des temps, pour chacun de nous, à chaque instant de nos vies et dans tous les domaines -, ce fondement irrécusable de notre humanéité ?4- En quoi cependant, cela devrait-il nous empêcher de comprendre, et répondre de cette immense tragédie que furent la Traite Atlantique et l'esclavage des Africains ? Pour répondre à cela, nous avons choisi d'adopter comme point d'insertion de cette thèse, le destin de ces millions d'êtres transbordés depuis leur pays pour devenir les esclaves de tout le continent Américain.5- Prenant pour exemple les possessions françaises de l'arc Antillo-Guyanais, nous avons discerné dans cette tragédie, le résultat d'une confrontation essencielle entre Blancs et Noirs, se manifestant de prime abord par une domination brutale et sans partage des premiers sur les Africains-Nègres. Cette confrontation, intervenue dès le début de la colonisation, a façonné en dépit de quatre siècles d'épreuves, de châtiments et d'insoutenables humiliations, un peuple. Ce peuple qui dans une passion christique mal vécue, est encore à la recherche de son identité propre, écartelé semble-t-il entre l'aventure du métissage, de la trans-culturalité, et la revendication de son africanité originelle.6- Et ceci nous amène à ces dernières interrogations : y aurait-il eu des hommes blancs si les Noirs n'avaient pas existé ? Et si, nous renvoyant à Sartre - pour qui nous ne sommes jamais, que ce que les autres attendent que nous soyons -, nous aurions refusé de consentir à ce que fut cet implacable déterminisme ? Conscients que nous sommes, de ce que la liberté en tant que construction de nous-mêmes, est pour jamais notre seule et indépassable horizon ? / From the very begining in our present modernity, there are these haunting questions :- Why don't forget slaving ? But also, why should we forget slaving ?- Why that obscure (dim) memory hidening our past burdened our futures acting like a border-line ?- Is it because being Black, our boat at the first begining heavily loaded, henceforth can't allow us to exist with that sort of memory ?- Is it because slaving, since the dawn of civilization and in its whole scope for every one, at every single time of life, is an irrecusable of our mankind ?- In fact, why this should get us unable to understand and « cope » with that outrageous tragedy figured by this Atlantic trade of African slaves ?- To answer these questionwe have choosed to insert our work, in the destiny of these millions of human beings, « transchipped » from their countries, in order to became slaves in the whole America.- Taking in example the French possessions of West-indian islands and Guyana arch, we have seen in this tragedy, the results of an « essentialist » confrontation betwwen Blacks and Whites, that was at the first revealed by this plain harsh domination, on the Negroe-Africans.- In spite of four centuries of afflictions, punishements and unsustainable mortifications, this confrontation intervening in the « era » of colonization, led to shape a People. Such a people embedded in « unlivable christianity » is still looking for its genuine identity, being shared (it seems) between cross-breading adventure and trnsculturality, while claiming for inherited africanity.- This led us to these last questions : Should have been Whites if Blacks didn't exist ? And this is sending us back to Sartre for whom : « we never are that the others expected us to be ». Should we have to refuse consenting to that implacable determinism, with that consciousness that building our freedom have to be for a long our single and un-exceeding horizon ?

Cette recherche interroge la monarchie française en situation de crise en partant d’un pari politique hors norme, celui des prélats catholiques qui misèrent sur Henri IV, roi protestant. Elle étudie les diverses facettes de l’action politique de ces hommes et reconstruit les mécanismes de leur travail de légitimation du premier Bourbon, en privilégiant les premières années du règne. Centrer l’enquête sur ces années permet de restituer à cette période sa dimension d’incertitude vécue par les acteurs de la monarchie, qui se trouve généralement écrasée par le poids de l’histoire de la pacification, après l’édit de Nantes. Ce choix d’un temps court rend possible l’étude attentive des cérémonies possédant une grande importance symbolique, tels que l’abjuration et le sacre royaux. Trop souvent ces événements sont uniquement décrits, racontés par l’historiographie. L’analyse proposée ici s’attache à l’inverse à leur redonner leur dimension problématique, à réfléchir sur les choix stratégiques faits par le pouvoir, notamment en ce qui concerne leur publication, comme une seconde mise en scène, imprimée. En adoptant un angle d’observation centré sur l’engagement, tantôt exposé, tantôt discret du groupe de prélats (Jacques du Perron, Claude d’Angennes et leurs pairs), il devient possible d’appréhender la monarchie en tant qu’œuvre collective d’acteurs multiples qui agissent pour assurer sa survie. En proposant ainsi une alternative à la vision navarro-centrée qui domine largement l’historiographie, cette approche permet d’aborder d’une nouvelle façon la sortie des guerres de Religion et de révéler des acteurs peu connus, qui néanmoins jouent un rôle crucial dans ce processus. / This dissertation investigates the French monarchy during a moment of crisis, focusing on an exceptional political bet made by a number of catholic prelates who chose to support Henri IV, a Protestant king. Their varied political actions are studied here, and the mechanisms of their work of legitimation of the first Bourbon are reconstructed, with a particular attention to the first years of his reign. The emphasis on these years offers the opportunity to give back to this period its dimension of uncertainty, as lived by the actors of the monarchy, a dimension that is generally erased under the weight of the history of the pacification, beginning with the Edict of Nantes. The choice of a short period allows a careful analysis of ceremonies of great symbolic importance, such as the royal abjuration and coronation. Too often these events have been merely narrated by historiography. This analysis, however, seeks to reconstruct their problematic dimension. Specific attention will be paid to the choices made when these events were published, which constituted a second staging of the act in printed form. With the focal point placed on the political commitment of the prelates, which at times was explicit, and at other times remained discreetly hidden away, it becomes possible to understand the monarchy as the collective work of multiple actors who endeavoured to ensure its survival. Thus, by proposing an alternative reading of events to the Navarro-centric vision that largely dominates historiography, this approach discusses the end of the Wars of Religion from a new perspective, which uncovers lesser known actors, who nonetheless played a crucial role in this process.

Submitted by Mariana Dornelles Vargas (marianadv) on 2015-05-28T12:47:56Z No. of bitstreams: 1 papel_estado.pdf: 1011041 bytes, checksum: 13b6f6cc2a580a129a89c283edd2690e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-28T12:47:56Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 papel_estado.pdf: 1011041 bytes, checksum: 13b6f6cc2a580a129a89c283edd2690e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-11-05 / Nenhuma / O presente estudo tem por objeto a identificação dos elementos que delinearam o papel do Estado-Juiz na condução do processo civil desde o Estado Liberal até o Estado Democrático de Direito. Constatou-se que o papel desempenhado pelo juiz e pelas partes no direito processual civil, possui nítida correlação com a forma em que o Estado é compreendido no contexto da sociedade de determinada época. Após estudo da doutrina empregada pelos burgueses, para motivar a ruptura do Estado absolutista e do seu caráter essencialmente repressivo com a conformação do Estado Liberal, observa-se a formação de um processo como ?coisa das partes?, no qual o juiz - como reflexo de um Estado reativo - deveria manter-se equidistante diante do embate protagonizado pelas partes, devendo limitar-se a aplicar a letra da lei. Ainda, nota-se que essa ideologia permeada no plano processual, ainda que analisada de forma sintética, delimitou a atividade jurisdicional, o quanto possível, à esfera de disposição dos interesses da parte. Mostra-se ainda, que a quebra de paradigmas dos ideais liberais, culminou por ocasionar uma nova compreensão do Estado e da sua relação com a sociedade. O processo, nesse viés, agora visto como fenômeno público de interesse da sociedade passa a ser edificado com base na figura do juiz, sendo que o Estado, e consequentemente a própria lei, deixam de ser vistos como instrumentos de proteção das liberdades individuais, para serem instrumentos de promoção da justiça e minimização das desigualdades sociais, caracterizando assim a passagem do Estado Liberal para o Estado Social. Entretanto, a preocupação social incorporada pelo Estado, não foi suficiente para apresentar solução ao problema da igualdade no processo, ganhando destaque, portanto, a necessidade de fomentar a participação das partes na formação do procedimento decisório, a fim de realizar uma releitura democrática e constitucional do processo. Investiga-se uma renovada compreensão do processo civil, de modo à perfectibilizar a necessária postura ativa do juiz, bem como a participação das partes na construção do provimento jurisdicional. Trabalha-se com a estruturação do processo civil sob o viés de um modelo de colaboração processual, o que acaba por acarretar mudanças significativas no modo de organização e no desenvolvimento processual, uma vez que se busca o necessário equilíbrio entre os poderes do juiz e a das partes ao longo do iter procedimental, servindo, pois, de reflexão para um renovado perfil de processo civil, ínsito ao Estado Democrático de Direito. / The present study aims at the identification of the elements that outlined the role of the State-Judge in demeanour of civil process since the Liberal State until the Democratic State of Law. It was found that the role performed by the judge and the parties in Civil Process Law, has clear correlation with the way in which the state is understood in terms of society at a specific time. After a study of the doctrine used by the bourgeoisie, to motivate the rupture of the Absolutist State and its essentially repressive character with the Liberal State conformation, it is observed the formation of a process as "thing of the parties" in which the judge, reproducing a reactive State, should remain equidistant because of the impingement played by the parties, but it must limit itself to the applying of the law. Also, it is noticeable that this ideology permeated in the process plan, although it is synthetically analysed, has limited the jurisdictional activity, as much as possible, to the sphere of provision on the interests of the party. It is also shown that the change in paradigm of liberal principles, turned out to cause a new understanding of the state and its relationship with society. The process, this bias, now seen as a public phenomenon with society interest, shall be assembled based on the figure of the judge, and the State, and consequently the law itself, will no longer be seen as instruments of protection of individual rights, then becoming instruments for the promotion of justice and minimizing social inequalities, characterizing the transition state from the Liberal to the Welfare State. However, welfare concern incorporated by the State was insufficient to provide solution to the problem of equality in the process, gaining prominence, then and there, the need ofdeveloping the participation of the parties in shaping the decision-making procedure in order to perform a restating of the democratic and constitutional process. Animprovedunderstanding of civil process is investigated, in order to perfect the necessary active role of the judge as well as the parties’ participation in the construction of the jurisdictional provision. The structuring of civil process in the bias of a collaboration model process has been performed, which lately has led to some significant changes in the organizational and procedural development, since the necessary balance between the powers of the judge and the parties along the process iter have been inquired, serving therefore to a consideration on a renewed profile of civil process, inserted onto the Democratic State of Law.

Det övergripande syftet med denna studie är att undersöka hur musikundervisningen i El Sistema fungerar som ett socialt verktyg med utgångspunkt från en nyetablerad El Sistema-skola i en förort till Stockholm. Min utgångspunkt har varit att undersöka El  Sistemas arbetssätt som ett verktyg för social utveckling i samhället. För att kunna göra detta har jag försökt sätta mig in i de bakomliggande idéerna till El Sistema och förutsättningarna för undervisningen. Studien bygger på en kvalitativ forskningsmetod där observationer med låg struktur, deltagande observationer och en semistrukturerad intervju har används.  Undersökningen är gjord på en nyetablerad så kallad växtplats inom El Sistema, Sverige,  i en mångkulturell förort till Stockholm. De metoder jag har använt mig av har varit deltagande observationer av musiklärare i den dagliga musikundervisningen på en nyetablerad El Sistema-skola samt av så kallades VänsDays, musikträffar med fika för El Sistema-familjer på onsdagar samt en semi-strukturerad intervju med en El Sistema-pedagog. Litteraturgenomgången innehåller en historisk översikt om El Sistema, musik i skolan och musikpedagogisk idéhistoria. Vidare ingår också litteratur om didaktik, musikundervisning och interkulturell kompetens. El Sistema påtalar vikten av tid, kontinuitet och kontakt som tre nyckelfaktorer för framgångsrik undervisning. Musikundervisning i grupp, samspel och körsång samt att bygga upp en god föräldrakontakt är av stor betydelse för både den sociala och musikaliska utvecklingen i ett integrationssyfte.  Några faktorer som skiljer El Sistema från den traditionella kommunala Musik- och Kulturskolan har också berörts.   Resultatet av studien visar vid en analys med Varköys syfteskategorier att musikundervisning inom El Sistema framför allt fokuserar på  idén om musikens fostrande funktion. I undervisningen finns även idén om musik som medel för bildning och idén om musik som skapande individ tydligt representerad i studiens empiri. Musikundervisning i El Sistema ses som ett medel till något snarare än som ett mål i sig självt samtidigt som det finns en tydlig målsättning att nå en hög musikalisk nivå. / The overall aim of this study is to investigate how music education in El Sistema works as a social tool, based on a newly established El Sistema -school in a suburb of Stockholm. My starting point was to investigate the El Sistema approach as a tool for social development in the community. To do this I have tried to put myself in the underlying ideas to El Sistema and conditions for teaching. The study is based on a qualitative research method in which observations with low structure, participant observation and a semi-structured interview has been used. The survey was conducted on a newly established so-called nucléo, (center of education) within El Sistema, Sweden, in a multicultural suburb of Stockholm. The methods I have used have been participating observations of music teachers in their daily music instruction at a newly established El Sistema-school and so-called VänsDays, music meetings and refreshments for El Sistema-families on Wednesdays and a semi-structured qualitative interview with an El Sistema-teacher. The literature review provides a historical overview of El Sistema, music in schools and music educational history of ideas. Furthermore, it also includes literature on didactics, music education and intercultural competence. El Sistema comments on the importance of time, continuity and contact as three key factors for successful teaching. Music education in group interaction and choral singing and to build a good parental contact is of great importance for both social and musical development of an integration order. What separates El Sistema from the traditional communal Music and Arts School has also been affected. The result of analysis performed by Varköy´s purpose categories to music education within El Sistema mainly focuses on ​​the idea of ​​music's educational function. In teaching, there is also the idea of ​​music as means of formation and the idea of ​​music as a creative individual clearly represented in the study's empirical data. Music education in El Sistema is seen as a mean to something rather than as an aim in itself. At the same time there is a clear objective to achieve a high musical level.

This thesis studies how sick leave legitimacy is managed in interaction and develops an empirically driven conceptualization of ‘legitimacy work’. The thesis applies an ethnomethodological framework that draws on conversation analysis, discursive psychology, and membership categorization analysis. Naturally occurring interaction is examined in two settings: (1) multi-party meetings at the Swedish Social Insurance Agency, in which participants assess and discuss the ‘status’ of the sick leave and plan for work rehabilitation; (2) peer-based online text-in-interaction in a Swedish forum thread that gathers people on sick leave. The thesis shows how mental states, activities and alternative categories function as resources for legitimacy work. However, such invocations are no straight-forward matter, but impose additional contingencies. It is thus crucial how they are invoked. By detailed analyses of the interaction, with attention to aspects such as lexicality and delivery, the thesis identifies a range of discursive features that manage sick leave legitimacy. Deployed resources are also subtle enough to be deniable as legitimacy work, that is, they also manage the risk of an utterance being seen as invested or biased. While legitimate sick leave is a core concern for Swedish policy-making, administration, and public debate on sick leave, previous research has for the most part been explanatory in orientation, minding legitimacy rather than studying it in its own right. By providing detailed knowledge about the legitimacy work that people on long-term sick leave do as part of both institutional and mundane encounters, the thesis contributes not only new empirical knowledge, but a new kind of empirical knowledge, shedding light on how the complexities of sick leave play out in real-life situations. Traditional sociological approaches have to a significant extent treated legitimacy as an entity with beginnings and ends that in more or less direct ways relate to external norms and cognitive states, or that focus on institutions, authority or government. By contrast, the herein emerging concept ‘legitimacy work’ understands legitimacy as a locally contingent practicality – a collaborative categorially oriented accomplishment that is integral to the interactional situation.

On s'intéresse dans le cadre de ce travail de thèse aux variables susceptibles de favoriser ou d'inhiber l'expression de croyances contre-normatives intervenant dans le champ de la représentation sociale des immigrés. On étudie plus précisément l'impact de la protection normative accordée à ce groupe social, de la capacité d'adaptation à leur société d'accueil qui leur est attribuée mais également de la filière universitaire d'appartenance des sujets interrogés sur les stratégies sociocognitives de masquage et de démasquage mises en place dans l'expression de la représentation. On s'attend à ce que ces trois facteurs interagissent avec la variable consigne de passation, en atténuant voire en annulant dans certains cas les différences classiquement observées entre les conditions où les sujets répondent en leur nom propre (hypothèse de masquage) et celles où ils s'expriment au nom d'un autrui de substitution (hypothèse de démasquage). Les résultats des recherches empiriques révèlent comme prévu des effets différenciés de la variable consigne de passation selon les modalités des facteurs testés, confirmant l'implication de processus d'ordre normatif dans les effets de la substitution. En outre, les liens observés entre protection normative attribuée aux immigrés et capacité d'adaptation perçue confirment l'existence de logiques de justification et de légitimation qui semblent présider à l'orchestration des phénomènes de masquage et de démasquage dans l'expression des représentations sociales de groupes minoritaires. / We are interested in the context of this Phd thesis to the variables that can facilitate or inhibit the expression of counter-normative beliefs working in the field of social representation of immigrants. We study more precisely the impact of normative protection given to this social group, the perceived ability to adapt to their host society they are assigned but also the academic affiliation of respondents on the socio-cognitive strategies of masking and unmasking set place in the expression of representation. It is expected that these three factors interact with the answering instruction, mitigating or even cancelling in some cases the differences typically observed between conditions where subjects respond in their own name (masking hypothesis) and those where they express an opinion on behalf of a substitute other (unmasking hypothesis). The results of empirical research show as expected differential effects of the answering instruction under the terms of the factors tested, confirming the involvement of a normative process in the effects of substitution. Moreover, the observed associations between normative protection granted to immigrants and their perceived adaptability confirm the existence of justification and legitimation processes that seem to govern the orchestration of the phenomena of masking and unmasking in the expression of social representation about minority groups.