Obiettivo del lavoro è quello di legare tra di loro due aspetti che storicamente sono sempre stati scollegati. Il primo è il lungo dibattito sul tema “oltre il PIL”, che prosegue ininterrottamente da circa mezzo secolo. Il secondo riguarda l’utilizzo dei sistemi di misurazione e valutazione della performance nel settore pubblico italiano. Si illustra l’evoluzione del dibattito sul PIL facendo un excursus storico del pensiero critico che si è sviluppato nel corso di circa cinquanta anni analizzando le ragioni assunte dagli studiosi per confutare l’utilizzo del PIL quale misura universale del benessere. Cogliendo questa suggestione l’Istat, in collaborazione con il CNEL, ha avviato un progetto per individuare nuovi indicatori da affiancare al PIL, in grado di misurare il livello non solo della crescita economica, ma anche del benessere sociale e sostenibile, con l’analisi degli indicatori riferiti a 12 domini di benessere individuati. Al progetto Istat-CNEL si è affiancato il progetto UrBES, promosso dall’Istat e dal Coordinamento dei sindaci metropolitani dell’ANCI, che hanno costituito una rete di città metropolitane per sperimentare la misurazione e il confronto sulla base di indicatori di benessere urbano equo e sostenibile, facendo proprio un progetto del Comune di Bologna e di Laboratorio Urbano (Centro di documentazione, ricerca e proposta sulle città), che ha sottoposto a differenti target un questionario on line, i cui risultati, con riferimento alle risposte fornite alle domande aperte, sono stati elaborati attraverso l’utilizzo di Taltac, un software per l’analisi dei testi, al fine di individuare i “profili” dei rispondenti, associando i risultati dell’elaborazione alle variabili strutturali del questionario. Nell’ultima parte i servizi e progetti erogati dal comune di Bologna sono stati associati alle dimensioni UrBES, per valutare l’impatto delle politiche pubbliche sulla qualità della vita e sul benessere dei cittadini, indicando le criticità legate alla mancanza di dati adeguati. / The Aim of the work is to link each other two aspects which historically had always disconnected. The first is the long discussion on the theme "beyond GDP", which continues without stop for nearly half a century. The second concerns the use of systems of measurement and evaluation of performance in the Italian public sector. It discusses the evolution of the discussion on GDP, making a historical overview of critical thinking which has developed in the course of about fifty years, analyzing the reasons assumed by researchers to refute the use of GDP as a measure of universal welfare. Following this suggestion the National Statistical Institue, (Istat) in cooperation with CNEL, has launched a project to identify new indicators using joint with GDP, to measure not only the level of economic growth, but also social and sustainable welfare, analysing indicators linked to 12 domains identified. The Istat-CNEL project was joined the project Urbes, promoted by Istat and the Coordination of ANCI, which formed a network of metropolitan cities to test measurement and comparison on the basis of welfare and sustainable indicators, doing just a project of the City of Bologna and Urban Laboratory (Centre for Documentation, Research and Proposal on the city), which referred to different target an online questionnaire, the results of which, with reference to the answers to open questions, have been developed through Taltac, a software for the analysis of texts, in order to identify the "profiles" of respondents associated with the structural variables of the questionnaire. In the last part of the research the services and projects provided by the city of Bologna have been linked to the size Urbes, to assess the impact of public policies on quality of life and well-being of citizens, indicating the critical issues related to the lack of adequate data.

I cambiamenti e le innovazioni sociali, che hanno caratterizzato il secolo scorso, hanno generato mutamenti significativi nella struttura dei consumi, legati in particolare a una maggiore consapevolezza dei consumatori e allo scoppio della crisi economica. Assume sempre maggiore importanza, all’interno delle politiche di brand management, il ruolo della Responsabilità Sociale d’Impresa, che spinge la Grande Distribuzione Organizzata a proporre prodotti con più alti standard qualitativi e di sicurezza. Il caso analizzato è quello della linea biologica ViviVerde Coop, la cui offerta di prodotti biologici a private label ha avuto un impatto molto positivo sul mercato. L’analisi dell’elasticità della curva di domanda di alcuni di questi prodotti nel periodo gennaio 2010-maggio 2012 rivela diversi valori positivi e maggiori di 1, indice del fatto che il prezzo non abbia avuto effetti negativi sulle vendite dei prodotti considerati. Tale evidenza risulta rilevante proprio in un periodo di profonda crisi economica che ha interessato, in modo significativo, anche i consumi alimentari. / Social changing and innovations that characterized the last century, mainly caused by the globalization processes, led to important changes in the consumption paths, the most of them driven by the increased awareness of the consumers. This is why the role of Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) is getting more important for the brand management policies of the Large Scale Retail (LSR). LSR is nowadays encouraged to provide products that achieve higher safety and quality standards, in order to meet the new forms of demand. In this paper we analyze the case of the biological line ViviVerde by Coop, a private label line which reached good market shares since its introduction. The analysis of elasticity of the demand curve of some ViviVerde food products, for the period from January 2010 to May 2012, shows the presence of several positive and greater than values: this means that the price does not prevent the sales of those products. Those results are relevant especially in this period of deep economic crisis, which has affected even food consumption. The changes and social innovations that have characterized the last century have generated significant changes in the structure of consumption, in particular related to aincreased consumer's behaviour.It's becoming more important,within the policies of brand management, the role of Corporate Social Responsability,which pushes the mass retailers to offer products with the highest quality standards and safety. The case analyzed is that of the organic line ViviVerde Coop, whose offer of organic products to private label has had much impact positive on the market. The analysis of the elasticity of the demand curve of some of these products in the period January 2010-May 2012 reveals values positive and greater than 1. This means that price has had a negative impacts on sales of the product

Una stampa libera e plurale è un elemento fondante di ogni sistema democratico ed è fondamentale per la creazione di un’opinione pubblica informata e in grado di esercitare controllo e pressione sulle classi dirigenti. Dal momento della loro creazione i giornali si sono imposti come un’importantissima fonte di informazione per l’opinione pubblica. La seconda metà del Novecento, inoltre, ha conosciuto innovazioni tecnologiche che hanno portato grandi cambiamenti nel ruolo della carta stampata come veicolo di trasmissione delle notizie. Partendo dalla diffusione della televisione fino ad arrivare alla rivoluzione digitale degli anni ’90 e 2000, la velocità di creazione e di trasmissione delle informazioni è aumentata esponenzialmente, i costi di produzione e di acquisizione delle notizie sono crollati e una quantità enorme di dati, che possono fornire moltissime informazioni relative alle idee e ai contenuti proposti dai diversi autori nel corso del tempo, è ora a disposizione di lettori e ricercatori. Tuttavia, anche se grazie alla rivoluzione digitale i costi materiali dei periodici si sono notevolmente ridotti, la produzione di notizie comporta altre spese e pertanto si inserisce in un contesto di mercato, sottoposto alle logiche della domanda e dell'offerta. In questo lavoro verrà analizzato il ruolo della domanda e della non perfetta razionalità dei lettori nel mercato delle notizie, partendo dall’assunto che la differenza di opinioni dei consumatori spinge le testate a regolare l’offerta di contenuti, per venire incontro alla domanda di mercato, per verificare l’applicabilità del modello utilizzato (Mullainhatan e Shleifer, 2005) al contesto italiano. A tale scopo si è analizzato il comportamento di alcuni quotidiani nazionali in occasione di due eventi che hanno profondamente interessato l'opinione pubblica italiana: il fenomeno dei flussi migratori provenienti dalla sponda sud del Mediterraneo nel mese di ottobre 2013 e l'epidemia di influenza H1N1 del 2009. / A free and plural press is a central element of every democratic society and is crucial for the development of an informed public opinion, which can control and address the ruling classes. Since their creation, newspapers have been a very important source of information for the public opinion. From the second half of the twentieth century, moreover, several technological revolutions have modified the role of the press as a vehicle for the circulations of news. From the diffusion of the television to the digital revolution of the last two decades, creation and reporting of news has increased exponentially, and a huge quantity of data is now available to readers and researchers. Although the digital revolution has drastically reduced the material costs of news production, publishing companies have to face many other types of cost. This is the reason why this the production and the distribution of news are characterized by market processes and consequently by supply and demand driving forces. Aim of this work is to study the role of the demand and of the bounded rationality of readers, which are especially interested in news consistent with their beliefs. The model of market for news considered (Mullainhatal and Shleifer, 2005) is based on the idea that the differences between readers opinions lead mass-media to diversify their offer of news and to assume positions that can be even more radical than the readers’ ones. To verify the validity of the model for the Italian market for news, the behaviour of some important newspaper has been studied. The articles that have been analysed concerned two events that had a strong impact on the Italian public: the management of migratory flows coming from Northern-African countries during the month of October 2013 and the endemic spread of H1N1 flu (swine flu) in 2009.

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Recently, a rising interest in political and economic integration/disintegration issues has been developed in the political economy field. This growing strand of literature partly draws on traditional issues of fiscal federalism and optimum public good provision and focuses on a trade-off between the benefits of centralization, arising from economies of scale or externalities, and the costs of harmonizing policies as a consequence of the increased heterogeneity of individual preferences in an international union or in a country composed of at least two regions. This thesis stems from this strand of literature and aims to shed some light on two highly relevant aspects of the political economy of European integration. The first concerns the role of public opinion in the integration process; more precisely, how economic benefits and costs of integration shape citizens' support for European Union (EU) membership. The second is the allocation of policy competences among different levels of government: European, national and regional. Chapter 1 introduces the topics developed in this thesis by reviewing the main recent theoretical developments in the political economy analysis of integration processes. It is structured as follows. First, it briefly surveys a few relevant articles on economic theories of integration and disintegration processes (Alesina and Spolaore 1997, Bolton and Roland 1997, Alesina et al. 2000, Casella and Feinstein 2002) and discusses their relevance for the study of the impact of economic benefits and costs on public opinion attitude towards the EU. Subsequently, it explores the links existing between such political economy literature and theories of fiscal federalism, especially with regard to normative considerations concerning the optimal allocation of competences in a union. Chapter 2 firstly proposes a model of citizens’ support for membership of international unions, with explicit reference to the EU; subsequently it tests the model on a panel of EU countries. What are the factors that influence public opinion support for the European Union (EU)? In international relations theory, the idea that citizens' support for the EU depends on material benefits deriving from integration, i.e. whether European integration makes individuals economically better off (utilitarian support), has been common since the 1970s, but has never been the subject of a formal treatment (Hix 2005). A small number of studies in the 1990s have investigated econometrically the link between national economic performance and mass support for European integration (Eichenberg and Dalton 1993; Anderson and Kalthenthaler 1996), but only making informal assumptions. The main aim of Chapter 2 is thus to propose and test our model with a view to providing a more complete and theoretically grounded picture of public support for the EU. Following theories of utilitarian support, we assume that citizens are in favour of membership if they receive economic benefits from it. To develop this idea, we propose a simple political economic model drawing on the recent economic literature on integration and disintegration processes. The basic element is the existence of a trade-off between the benefits of centralisation and the costs of harmonising policies in presence of heterogeneous preferences among countries. The approach we follow is that of the recent literature on the political economy of international unions and the unification or break-up of nations (Bolton and Roland 1997, Alesina and Wacziarg 1999, Alesina et al. 2001, 2005a, to mention only the relevant). The general perspective is that unification provides returns to scale in the provision of public goods, but reduces each member state’s ability to determine its most favoured bundle of public goods. In the simple model presented in Chapter 2, support for membership of the union is increasing in the union’s average income and in the loss of efficiency stemming from being outside the union, and decreasing in a country’s average income, while increasing heterogeneity of preferences among countries points to a reduced scope of the union. Afterwards we empirically test the model with data on the EU; more precisely, we perform an econometric analysis employing a panel of member countries over time. The second part of Chapter 2 thus tries to answer the following question: does public opinion support for the EU really depend on economic factors? The findings are broadly consistent with our theoretical expectations: the conditions of the national economy, differences in income among member states and heterogeneity of preferences shape citizens’ attitude towards their country’s membership of the EU. Consequently, this analysis offers some interesting policy implications for the present debate about ratification of the European Constitution and, more generally, about how the EU could act in order to gain more support from the European public. Citizens in many member states are called to express their opinion in national referenda, which may well end up in rejection of the Constitution, as recently happened in France and the Netherlands, triggering a European-wide political crisis. These events show that nowadays understanding public attitude towards the EU is not only of academic interest, but has a strong relevance for policy-making too. Chapter 3 empirically investigates the link between European integration and regional autonomy in Italy. Over the last few decades, the double tendency towards supranationalism and regional autonomy, which has characterised some European States, has taken a very interesting form in this country, because Italy, besides being one of the founding members of the EU, also implemented a process of decentralisation during the 1970s, further strengthened by a constitutional reform in 2001. Moreover, the issue of the allocation of competences among the EU, the Member States and the regions is now especially topical. The process leading to the drafting of European Constitution (even if then it has not come into force) has attracted much attention from a constitutional political economy perspective both on a normative and positive point of view (Breuss and Eller 2004, Mueller 2005). The Italian parliament has recently passed a new thorough constitutional reform, still to be approved by citizens in a referendum, which includes, among other things, the so called “devolution”, i.e. granting the regions exclusive competence in public health care, education and local police. Following and extending the methodology proposed in a recent influential article by Alesina et al. (2005b), which only concentrated on the EU activity (treaties, legislation, and European Court of Justice’s rulings), we develop a set of quantitative indicators measuring the intensity of the legislative activity of the Italian State, the EU and the Italian regions from 1973 to 2005 in a large number of policy categories. By doing so, we seek to answer the following broad questions. Are European and regional legislations substitutes for state laws? To what extent are the competences attributed by the European treaties or the Italian Constitution actually exerted in the various policy areas? Is their exertion consistent with the normative recommendations from the economic literature about their optimum allocation among different levels of government? The main results show that, first, there seems to be a certain substitutability between EU and national legislations (even if not a very strong one), but not between regional and national ones. Second, the EU concentrates its legislative activity mainly in international trade and agriculture, whilst social policy is where the regions and the State (which is also the main actor in foreign policy) are more active. Third, at least two levels of government (in some cases all of them) are significantly involved in the legislative activity in many sectors, even where the rationale for that is, at best, very questionable, indicating that they actually share a larger number of policy tasks than that suggested by the economic theory. It appears therefore that an excessive number of competences are actually shared among different levels of government. From an economic perspective, it may well be recommended that some competences be shared, but only when the balance between scale or spillover effects and heterogeneity of preferences suggests so. When, on the contrary, too many levels of government are involved in a certain policy area, the distinction between their different responsibilities easily becomes unnecessarily blurred. This may not only leads to a slower and inefficient policy-making process, but also risks to make it too complicate to understand for citizens, who, on the contrary, should be able to know who is really responsible for a certain policy when they vote in national,local or European elections or in referenda on national or European constitutional issues.