Univ., Diss.--Mannheim, 2003.

As the symbolic and functional heart of the New Orleans tourism industry, the French Quarter has been described as the city's "number one factory". Using this evocative image as a starting point, this paper explores workaday life within this factory. I argue that the political economy of tourism brings together the world of work and the world of leisure in such a way that neither can be meaningfully understood apart from each other. To get at this point, I examine the commodity which at the heart of the tourist economy, which, I contend, is the touristic experience. Drawing on data gleaned from interviews, participant observation, and analysis of tourist discourse, I show that the production of this commodity – immaterial as it may appear – is in fact quite labor intensive. Furthermore, as tourism has become the driving sector of the New Orleans economy, the social and economic arrangements that the industry entails have extended out from the factory, integrating a broader swath of the city's geography into its structure than is generally supposed.

The present study offers an in-depth examination of the institutional framework within which money operated as an economic agent in the Roman empire. Analyses focus on Classical Roman Law as reflected in the writings of Roman jurists from the second and early-third centuries CE. The legal sources are augmented by documentary materials, which give independent, albeit sporadic, evidence for actual practice. The thesis follows current trends in economic history to adopt approaches advanced by New Institutional Economics (NIE), while generally accepting Keynesian claims for the endogenous nature of money. Its innovative contribution is in suggesting a complexity-oriented approach to modelling the behaviour of money in the Roman empire; seeing money as a complex economic phenomenon, i.e. as a diverse and manifold apparatus which allows for new patterns of activity to be created by individuals, who self-adjust their use of it to the continuously evolving system in which they operate. The thesis is divided into four parts. The first is introductory. The second concerns the legal institutional framework for economic interaction; with discussions generally organised according to Roman legal categorisation, and considers developments in the role allocated to money in legal definitions for exchange transaction. The third part examines two study-cases of money-related institutions, namely, the instrument of interest, and interest-bearing deposits, demonstrating how money stimulated the interconnected dynamics within and between legal traditions operating under Roman regime. The fourth and last part is dedicated to a more general analysis of the complex nature of Roman money, attempting to model the historical example of Roman money with the help of complexity-oriented visualisations.

This thesis consists of three essays on the discretionary interactions of fiscal and monetary policy authorities when they stabilise a single economy against shocks in the dynamic setting. In the first essay, I investigate the stabilization bias that arises in a model of noncooperative monetary and fiscal policy stabilisation of the economy, when the monetary authority implements price level targeting but fiscal authority remains benevolent. I demonstrate that the gain in welfare depends on the level of steady state debt. If the steady state level of the government debt is relatively low, then the monetary price level targeting unambiguously leads to social welfare gains, even if the fiscal authority acts strategically and faces different objectives and has incentives to pursue its own benefit and therefore may offset some or all of monetary policy actions. Moreover, if the fiscal policymaker is able to conduct itself as an intra-period leader then the social welfare gain of the monetary price level targeting regime can be further improved. However, if the economy has a relatively high steady state debt level, the gain of the price level targeting is outweighed by the loss arising from the conflicts between the policy makers, and such policy leads to a lower social welfare than under the cooperative discretionary inflation targeting. In the second essay I study the macroeconomic effect of the interaction between discretionary monetary policy which re-optimises every period and discretionary fiscal policy which reoptimises less frequently. I demonstrate the existence of two discretionary equilibria if the frequency of fiscal policy re-optimizes annually while monetary policy adjusts quarterly. Following a disturbance to the debt level, the economy can be stabilised either in a ‘fast but volatile‘ or ‘slow but smooth’ way, where both dynamic paths satisfy the conditions of optimality and time-consistency. I study several delegation regimes and demonstrate that the policy of partial targeting the debt level results in far worse welfare outcomes relative to a strict inflation targeting policy. In the third essay, I extend the framework developed in the second essay to the case with Blanchard-Yaari type of consumers. This brings in two effects. First, an increase in debt results in higher consumption via the wealth effect, the marginal cost is higher so the need for higher interest rate and higher taxation will increase, therefore the dynamic complementarity between actions of the two policymakers become stronger. Second, higher inflation affects consumption via the average propensity to consume and this effect is likely to weaken the dynamic complementarity. I show that when the households are assigned a mortality rate, overall the first effect dominates the second. The transition paths of the economic variables back to the steady state will be more volatile and the multiple equilibriums are more likely to arise.

Univ., Diss.--Wuppertal, 2004.

MAIA, Camila Moreira. Economia solidária, o novo espírito do capitalismo e o governo das subjetividades: uma análise do discurso dos trabalhadores do assentamento Coqueirinho. 2013. 123f. – Dissertação (Mestrado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Programa de Pós-graduação em Psicologia, Fortaleza (CE), 2013. / Submitted by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2013-11-26T17:23:49Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2013-DIS-CMMAIA.pdf: 694978 bytes, checksum: ae427a6eeccc4831b086e0438d39b809 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Márcia Araújo(marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2013-11-26T17:28:36Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2013-DIS-CMMAIA.pdf: 694978 bytes, checksum: ae427a6eeccc4831b086e0438d39b809 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-11-26T17:28:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2013-DIS-CMMAIA.pdf: 694978 bytes, checksum: ae427a6eeccc4831b086e0438d39b809 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / This work aims to understand how discourses of workers of solidarity collective enterprises help reproduce the social order characteristic of the last capitalism (since 1970). According to the New Sociology of Capitalism, each version of the model of capitalist production has been accompanied by an ideology that justifies it. This ideology, called the "spirit of capitalism", is transformed by the criticisms that it receives. A new spirit, then, arises, as a result of the relationship between the former spirit and the criticism that is only partially met, and, hence, loses its demanding power. The new spirit of capitalism arises in response to criticism from the 1960s and is based on networking, flexibility and the incentive for the empowerment of individuals. From the perspective of Critical Discourse Analysis, the new spirit of capitalism is an order of discourse that constrains the discourse of social actors whilst being constrained by it. This order of discourse can, thus, be incorporated into the discourse of the subjects in its various roles, be it of representation, of inter(action) or identification, and this is what allows its reproduction. Solidarity Economy has been adopted by the last governments (2002 - 2013) as a strategy for solving the "social issue". Considering the close link between the State and the maintenance of hegemonic orders, it is clear that these incentives from the Federal Government to solidarity collective enterprises have been presented as one of the manifestations of the incorporation of elements of criticism that benefit capitalist restructuring. Our argument lies in the response to three working hypotheses: the first concerns the correspondence between the discourse of Solidarity Economy and the criticism to the second spirit of capitalism, since they share the claims developed by both the labor movements of the nineteenth century and the social movements of the 1960s; the second advocates the closeness between the speech of solidarity economy workers and the ideologies that have justified the new spirit of capitalism; and the third consists in the understanding of Solidarity Economy as a strategy for the government of subjectivities, once it promotes the feeling of empowerment in the solidarity worker that ceases his motivation for criticism. We conducted an ethnographic approach in an association of farmers settled in the state of Ceará, which functions along the lines of Solidarity Economy. The research corpus was obtained from field diaries, made from participant observation and interviews, and analyzed through Critical Discourse Analysis. It was concluded that the State ambiguously engages in overcoming poverty and unemployment and in neoliberal forms of management that generate inequality. The relationship between the solidarity worker and the State is contradictory because, while the first develops productive activities aimed at autonomy regarding the latter, their speech points to the dependence on the incentives granted by it. Lastly, there is inconsistency between the workers’ precarious condition and their feelings of autonomy, freedom and security. / Este trabalho visa a compreender de que forma discursos de trabalhadores de empreendimentos coletivos solidários ajudam a reproduzir a ordem social característica do último capitalismo (a partir de 1970). Segundo a Nova Sociologia do Capitalismo, cada versão do modelo de produção capitalista tem sido acompanhada por uma ideologia que o justifica. Essa ideologia, denominada de “espírito do capitalismo”, transforma-se ao sabor das críticas que lhe são empreendidas. Um novo espírito surge, então, como resultado da articulação entre espírito anterior e crítica que é, atendida, apenas, parcialmente, perdendo seu poder de reivindicação. O novo espírito do capitalismo surge em respostas às críticas das décadas de 1960 e fundamenta-se pelo funcionamento em redes, pela flexibilidade e pelo incentivo à autonomização dos sujeitos. Sob a perspectiva da Análise Crítica do Discurso, o novo espírito do capitalismo trata-se de uma ordem de discurso que, ao mesmo tempo em que constrange o discurso de atores sociais, é constrangida por eles. Essa ordem de discurso, então, pode ser incorporada ao discurso dos sujeitos em suas diversas funções, seja de representação, de inter(ação) ou de identificação e isso, é o que permite sua reprodução. A Economia Solidária tem sido adotada nos últimos governos (2002 – 2013) como estratégia de resolução da “questão social”. Considerando a íntima relação entre Estado e manutenção de ordens hegemônicas, percebe-se que esses incentivos do Governo Federal a empreendimentos coletivos solidários têm-se apresentado como uma das manifestações da incorporação de elementos da crítica que favorece às reestruturações capitalistas. Nossa argumentação reside na resposta a três hipóteses de trabalho: a primeira diz respeito à correspondência entre o discurso da ES com a crítica ao segundo espírito do capitalismo, uma vez que partilham das reivindicações desenvolvidas tanto pelos movimentos operários do século XIX, como pelos movimentos sociais da década de 1960. A segunda defende a aproximação do discurso de trabalhadores de ES às ideologias que tem justificado o novo espírito do capitalismo e a terceira consiste no entendimento da ES como uma estratégia de governo das subjetividades, uma vez que engendram um sentimento de empoderamento no trabalhador solidário que cessa sua motivação para a crítica. Realizamos uma aproximação etnográfica a uma associação de agricultores assentados do interior do Estado do Ceará que funciona nos moldes da Economia Solidária. O corpus de pesquisa foi obtido através de diários de campo, construídos a partir de observação participante e de entrevistas individuais, e analisado à luz da Análise de Discurso Crítica. Concluiu-se que: o Estado se compromete ambiguamente com a superação da pobreza e do desemprego e com formas neoliberais de gestão que são, elas próprias, geradoras de desigualdade; a relação entre o trabalhador solidário e o Estado é contraditória, pois, ao mesmo tempo em que aquele desenvolve atividades produtivas que visam à autonomia em relação a este, seu discurso aponta para a dependência dos incentivos concedidos pelo mesmo; por fim, há uma incoerência entre a condição precária do trabalhador e o seu sentimento de autonomia, de liberdade e de segurança.

CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeiÃoamento de NÃvel Superior / Este trabalho visa a compreender de que forma discursos de trabalhadores de empreendimentos coletivos solidÃrios ajudam a reproduzir a ordem social caracterÃstica do Ãltimo capitalismo (a partir de 1970). Segundo a Nova Sociologia do Capitalismo, cada versÃo do modelo de produÃÃo capitalista tem sido acompanhada por uma ideologia que o justifica. Essa ideologia, denominada de âespÃrito do capitalismoâ, transforma-se ao sabor das crÃticas que lhe sÃo empreendidas. Um novo espÃrito surge, entÃo, como resultado da articulaÃÃo entre espÃrito anterior e crÃtica que Ã, atendida, apenas, parcialmente, perdendo seu poder de reivindicaÃÃo. O novo espÃrito do capitalismo surge em respostas Ãs crÃticas das dÃcadas de 1960 e fundamenta-se pelo funcionamento em redes, pela flexibilidade e pelo incentivo à autonomizaÃÃo dos sujeitos. Sob a perspectiva da AnÃlise CrÃtica do Discurso, o novo espÃrito do capitalismo trata-se de uma ordem de discurso que, ao mesmo tempo em que constrange o discurso de atores sociais, à constrangida por eles. Essa ordem de discurso, entÃo, pode ser incorporada ao discurso dos sujeitos em suas diversas funÃÃes, seja de representaÃÃo, de inter(aÃÃo) ou de identificaÃÃo e isso, à o que permite sua reproduÃÃo. A Economia SolidÃria tem sido adotada nos Ãltimos governos (2002 â 2013) como estratÃgia de resoluÃÃo da âquestÃo socialâ. Considerando a Ãntima relaÃÃo entre Estado e manutenÃÃo de ordens hegemÃnicas, percebe-se que esses incentivos do Governo Federal a empreendimentos coletivos solidÃrios tÃm-se apresentado como uma das manifestaÃÃes da incorporaÃÃo de elementos da crÃtica que favorece Ãs reestruturaÃÃes capitalistas. Nossa argumentaÃÃo reside na resposta a trÃs hipÃteses de trabalho: a primeira diz respeito à correspondÃncia entre o discurso da ES com a crÃtica ao segundo espÃrito do capitalismo, uma vez que partilham das reivindicaÃÃes desenvolvidas tanto pelos movimentos operÃrios do sÃculo XIX, como pelos movimentos sociais da dÃcada de 1960. A segunda defende a aproximaÃÃo do discurso de trabalhadores de ES Ãs ideologias que tem justificado o novo espÃrito do capitalismo e a terceira consiste no entendimento da ES como uma estratÃgia de governo das subjetividades, uma vez que engendram um sentimento de empoderamento no trabalhador solidÃrio que cessa sua motivaÃÃo para a crÃtica. Realizamos uma aproximaÃÃo etnogrÃfica a uma associaÃÃo de agricultores assentados do interior do Estado do Cearà que funciona nos moldes da Economia SolidÃria. O corpus de pesquisa foi obtido atravÃs de diÃrios de campo, construÃdos a partir de observaÃÃo participante e de entrevistas individuais, e analisado à luz da AnÃlise de Discurso CrÃtica. Concluiu-se que: o Estado se compromete ambiguamente com a superaÃÃo da pobreza e do desemprego e com formas neoliberais de gestÃo que sÃo, elas prÃprias, geradoras de desigualdade; a relaÃÃo entre o trabalhador solidÃrio e o Estado à contraditÃria, pois, ao mesmo tempo em que aquele desenvolve atividades produtivas que visam à autonomia em relaÃÃo a este, seu discurso aponta para a dependÃncia dos incentivos concedidos pelo mesmo; por fim, hà uma incoerÃncia entre a condiÃÃo precÃria do trabalhador e o seu sentimento de autonomia, de liberdade e de seguranÃa. / This work aims to understand how discourses of workers of solidarity collective enterprises help reproduce the social order characteristic of the last capitalism (since 1970). According to the New Sociology of Capitalism, each version of the model of capitalist production has been accompanied by an ideology that justifies it. This ideology, called the "spirit of capitalism", is transformed by the criticisms that it receives. A new spirit, then, arises, as a result of the relationship between the former spirit and the criticism that is only partially met, and, hence, loses its demanding power. The new spirit of capitalism arises in response to criticism from the 1960s and is based on networking, flexibility and the incentive for the empowerment of individuals. From the perspective of Critical Discourse Analysis, the new spirit of capitalism is an order of discourse that constrains the discourse of social actors whilst being constrained by it. This order of discourse can, thus, be incorporated into the discourse of the subjects in its various roles, be it of representation, of inter(action) or identification, and this is what allows its reproduction. Solidarity Economy has been adopted by the last governments (2002 - 2013) as a strategy for solving the "social issue". Considering the close link between the State and the maintenance of hegemonic orders, it is clear that these incentives from the Federal Government to solidarity collective enterprises have been presented as one of the manifestations of the incorporation of elements of criticism that benefit capitalist restructuring. Our argument lies in the response to three working hypotheses: the first concerns the correspondence between the discourse of Solidarity Economy and the criticism to the second spirit of capitalism, since they share the claims developed by both the labor movements of the nineteenth century and the social movements of the 1960s; the second advocates the closeness between the speech of solidarity economy workers and the ideologies that have justified the new spirit of capitalism; and the third consists in the understanding of Solidarity Economy as a strategy for the government of subjectivities, once it promotes the feeling of empowerment in the solidarity worker that ceases his motivation for criticism. We conducted an ethnographic approach in an association of farmers settled in the state of CearÃ, which functions along the lines of Solidarity Economy. The research corpus was obtained from field diaries, made from participant observation and interviews, and analyzed through Critical Discourse Analysis. It was concluded that the State ambiguously engages in overcoming poverty and unemployment and in neoliberal forms of management that generate inequality. The relationship between the solidarity worker and the State is contradictory because, while the first develops productive activities aimed at autonomy regarding the latter, their speech points to the dependence on the incentives granted by it. Lastly, there is inconsistency between the workersâ precarious condition and their feelings of autonomy, freedom and security.

Diploma thesis Position of Germany in the context of current economic problems of European Union is focused on characteristic of status of economy and competitiveness of Germany. This analysis will lead to the most important challenges, which will contribute in the development of current German economy and its linkage to economy of European Union. The first chapter is focused on current status of German economy from the view of main economic indicators like analysis of economic power of population, gross domestic product and business environment. The second chapter pays attention to analysis of competitiveness from the view of labour market, market of goods and services and investment position of Germany. The third chapter is starting point for the previous chapters and determines the main challenges of German economy in presence which are gaining importance to the future not only of Germany, but also of European Union. The final part of my thesis is focused on possible solutions of these challenges, that can help not only to the German economy, but also to the economy of European Union to become one of the most competitive economy of the world.