[pt] Esta tese explora o impacto da infraestrutura de transporte sobre desenvolvimento econômico e os efeitos do poder político das elites agrárias no investimento em educação. O primeiro capítulo documenta o impacto da rede ferroviária brasileira na transformação estrutural da economia entre o final do século XIX e meados do século XX. Exploramos a variação induzida pela localização geográfica, onde municípios próximos às rotas de menor custo estavam mais propensos a serem conectados ao sistema ferroviário, para identificar os efeitos causais das ferrovias sobre transformação estrutural. Mostramos que a expansão da infraestrutura de transporte realoca os trabalhadores da agricultura para a manufatura. Fornecemos evidências de que a integração do mercado e a adoção de novas tecnologias pelas empresas manufatureiras são dois mecanismos importantes que explicam a mudança na estrutura ocupacional da economia. O segundo capítulo explora a persistência do impacto da rede ferroviária brasileira no desenvolvimento econômico de longo prazo entre 1950 e 2010. Exploramos a variação induzida pela localização geográfica, onde municípios próximos às rotas de menor custo tinham maior probabilidade de estarem conectados ao sistema ferroviário, para identificar os efeitos causais das ferrovias na atividade econômica. Mostramos que, apesar do declínio da rede ferroviária pós-1950, o efeito sobre desenvolvimento econômico persistiu ao longo do tempo. Nossos resultados sugerem que aglomeração e urbanização foram os principais impulsionadores da persistência da atividade econômica. No terceiro capítulo, estudamos a relação entre o poder político das elites agrárias e a disseminação da educação em massa no início do século XX no Brasil. Utilizamos um novo conjunto de dados sobre a estrutura ocupacional das elites votantes em 1905 e censos históricos para testar se locais onde mais eleitores pertenciam à elite agrícola investiam menos em educação. Constatamos que os municípios com maior participação de eleitores na agricultura têm uma menor taxa de alfabetização em 1920 e esses efeitos persistem até a década de 1970. A longo prazo, os municípios com maior participação de eleitores na agricultura têm menos anos de escolaridade e menor renda per capita. Apresentamos evidências de que o fornecimento de insumos educacionais é o principal mecanismo que explica a persistência a longo prazo. / [en] This dissertation explores the impact of transportation infrastructure on economic development and the effects of agrarian elites political power on investments in education. The first chapter documents the impact of the Brazilian railway network on structural transformation between the late nineteenth and middle twentieth century. We exploit variation induced by geographic location, where municipalities near the least-cost routes were more likely to be connected to railway system, to identify the causal effects of railroads on structural transformation. We show that the expansion of the transportation infrastructure shifts the workers from agriculture to manufacturing. We provide evidence that market integration and the adoption of new technologies by manufacturing firms were two important mechanisms that explain the change in the occupational structure of the economy. The second chapter explores the persistence of the impact of Brazil s railway network on long-run economic development between 1950 and 2010. We exploit variation induced by geographic location, where municipalities near the least-cost routes were more likely to be connected to railway system, to identify the causal effects of railroads on economic activity. We show that, despite the decline of the railway network post-1950s, the effect on economic development persisted. Our findings suggest that agglomeration and urbanization were key drivers of economic activity persistence. In the third chapter, we study the relationship between the political power of agrarian elites and the spread of mass schooling in the early 20th century in Brazil. We use a novel dataset on the occupational structure of the voting elites in 1905 and historical censuses to test whether places, where more voters belonged to the agriculture elite, invested less in schooling. We find that municipalities with a higher share of agriculture voters have a lower literacy rate in 1920 and these effects persist until the 1970s. In the long-run, municipalities that had a higher share of agriculture voters have fewer years of schooling and lower income per capita. We provide evidence that the supply of educational inputs is the main mechanism that explains the long-term persistence.

Doctorat en philosophie et lettres / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Mehr als zwei Jahrzehnte nach der wirtschaftlichen Liberalisierung Indiens kam es zur Herausbildung einer neuen Kultur des Unternehmergeistes, eines kapitalistischen Geistes. Sie umfasst die Wiederbelebung traditioneller wie auch das Entstehen angeblich moderner Werte. Die Kultur des Unternehmergeistes bezog sich vorwiegend auf die aufstrebende Mittelschicht des Landes. Diese Arbeitet erforscht wie der kapitalistische Geist in der Wirtschaftselite im indischen Bundesstaat Gujarat entsteht. Das Ziel der Forschung liegt in der Erklärung von Ungleichzeitigkeit im kapitalistischen Geist. Gujarat bietet sich als Region für eine solche Analyse an, da der Staat sowohl über wirtschaftliche Traditionen verfügt wie auch eine starke wirtschaftliche Öffnung erfährt. Den kapitalistischen Geist fasse ich als kapitalistisches Ethos im Anschluss an Pierre Bourdieus Konzept des Habitus. In Kombination mit Boike Rehbeins Konzept der Soziokultur, welches nebeneinander bestehende Lagen mit unterschiedlichen sozio-historischem Ursprüngen in einer Gesellschaft erklärt, gehe ich der Forschungsfrage nach dem Entstehen des kapitalistischen Geistes nach. Die Forschung wurde mittels der Dokumentarischen Methode mit qualitativen Interviews mit der Wirtschaftselite in Gujarat durchgeführt. Dem kapitalistischen Ethos in der Wirtschaftselite in Gujarat liegen drei Soziokulturen zugrunde, die mit der Britischen Kolonialzeit und Industrialisierung (1850-1947), mit der Zeit der eingeschränkten Wirtschaft (1947-1991) und mit der wirtschaftlichen Liberalisierung (1991) entstanden. Das kapitalistische Ethos wird in den Soziokulturen verschiedentlich interpretiert. Ich habe drei kapitalistische Ethoi rekonstruiert: das Mahajan Ethos, das Nehruvianische Ethos und das Neoliberale Ethos. / Almost two decades after India’s economic liberalization, scholars found the emergence of a new moral order. This new enterprise culture, or capitalist spirit, entailed the revival of traditional as well the formation of putatively modern values. While this enterprise culture accounted mostly to the emerging middle class in the country, similar changes were observed at the core of industrial capitalism: management styles, which remained unstudied sociologically. This thesis investigates how the capitalist spirit in the business elite in the Indian state of Gujarat emerges. The purpose of this study is to explain the emergence of asynchronicity in the capitalist spirit. Studying the business elite in a state with a stronghold in business traditions as well as a stark economic liberalization contributes to the above mentioned studies. Based on literature review I argue for the capitalist spirit as capitalist ethos, drawing on Pierre Bourdieu’s habitus concept in combination with Boike Rehbein ‘s concept of socioculture, which explains coexisting layers in societies of different socio-historical origins. This research interest was operationalized with the documentary method, conducting qualitative interviews with the top business leaders in Gujarat. In this study, the capitalist ethos in the business elite in Gujarat emerges in three sociocultures that arose with British colonialism and industrialization (1850-1947), with the restricted economy (1947-1991), and with economic liberalization (1991). The capitalist ethos is differently interpreted in the sociocultures and therefore gains different meaning. I reconstructed the three capitalist ethoi of the Mahajan Ethos, the Nehruvian Ethos and the Neoliberal Ethos, respectively.

改革開放以來，哪些菁英受到中共高層的重用？菁英流動的特性為何？背後是否具有一致的運作邏輯？本論文主要目的在於探索與釐清中國大陸菁英流動演變的型態，以及背後運作的邏輯。 在理論上，本論文從共黨政權演變的視角出發，採用組織理論的脈絡建構中共的菁英甄補邏輯。在組織邏輯下，本文認為改革開放的「經濟發展」路線，是中共為維持「專政」生存的工具性目標。而由於江澤民、胡錦濤依序接班後仍依循鄧小平改革開放的基本路線，這使得改革開放至今中國大陸政治菁英甄補與流動模式具有相當一致性的邏輯：即彰顯「專政」生存目的與「發展」工具性目的的政權演變特性。中共將依外在環境與組織目標的改變來調整內部成員，但調整的幅度與廣度將不會危害其執政地位，使得菁英流動呈現「有限活化」（limited renewal）的特色。 為了檢驗中共「有限活化」菁英體制的研究假設，本研究針對1978年3月至2008年3月曾任黨政正省部級職務（含以上）政治菁英進行系統性的實證分析。實證結果發現中共黨政菁英在納入新甄補元素的過程裡，的確具有專政地位維持的生存考量，符合本研究的理論預期。另一方面，雖然近年來外界強調中國菁英技術官僚的特質，但本文發現能夠在黨政領導職務任職時間較長，以及較快晉升至領導人職務的政治菁英，大多是前一個層級出身或具有黨職領導經歷者。這表示中共透過各級黨職歷練的規範，來確保這些領導菁英與黨意識型態路線或利益一致性。值得注意的是如此的甄補邏輯，改革開放至今並無系統性的改變。 最後，本論文也嘗試以菁英途徑解釋中國大陸未來的政體發展走向。透過有限活化菁英體制的現象檢證，我們認為菁英甄補的組織邏輯，應是中國大陸自80年代以來之所以能在快速經濟發展下維持共黨專政的重要因素。以此，本文認為中共在發展出以「黨職經歷」為重要資格的更替與晉升遊戲規則，短期內高層領導人應不至出現菁英分裂與衝突。而本文透過菁英流動課題來釐清中共「專政」與「發展」目的之邏輯本質，或許也能作為外界進一步闡述中共推行政治改革措施的思路。 / What kinds of political elites have been recruited and promoted by the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in the Reform Era? What are the characteristics of elite mobility in China? Is there a consistent inner-logic governing the selection and promotion of Chinese elites? To answer these questions, the thesis explores the continuity and change of political elite mobility in Mainland China, from 1978 to 2008. Theoretically, the author reveals the inner-logic of elite recruitment throughout China’s reform era by using the explanatory framework of organizational theory against the background of communist regime transition. According to the organization logic, “economic development” is merely a functional tool serving the higher ends of “one-party dictatorship” - the survival prerequisite for the CCP. Therefore, due to Jiang and Hu’s succession of party courses set by Deng, China’s elite recruitment and mobility have consistently embodied this organizational logic: While balancing between the survival prerequisite of one-party dictatorship and the functional target of economic development, the CCP has, on the one hand, adjusted its membership configuration in response to changing environment and organizational goals; whereas on the other hand, controlled the adjustment to a degree posting no threat to its ruling position, hence produced the characteristics of limited renewal within China’s elite mobility. To attest the theoretical hypothesis of limited renewal, the author conducts the systematic empirical studies on all the political elites who have worked on province and ministry level positions (and above) within the Chinese government and communist party from March, 1978 to March, 2008. As the empirical result shows, and consequently, confirms the hypothesis: the CCP did have assigned significant weight to the survival consideration in the process of elite recruitment. At the same time, despite the recent scholars focus on the rise of Chinese technocrats, the author however finds that, among the rising elites, those who worked longer in, or promoted faster to, the government and/or party positions, the crucial similarity they share lies not in the technocratic background but their party-position appointments on a lower level immediately before their promotions to leadership positions. This pattern of promotion demonstrated that the CCP has been using the party-positions experience as a required qualification for promotion, so as to ensure the elites’ alliance with party interest and loyalty to party ideology. Moreover, these recruiting and promoting principles have undergone no systematic changes throughout the period of the Reform Era. Finally, from the perspective of elite mobility, the author attempts to depict the potential direction of China’s regime development in the future. Having approved the pattern of limited renewal in China’s elite configuration and mobility, the author believes that the current recruiting criteria and the underlying organizational logic have significantly contributed to the success of the CCP in maintaining one-party dictatorship amid rapid economic development. Therefore, the author predicts that the likelihood for elite conflicts would remain fairly low, if the promotion requirement of party-position experience continues to function. But nevertheless, the research of elite mobility would uncover the inner logical relationship between the apparently-contradictory goals of dictatorship and development, which paved the way for the survival and the success of the CCP.

The organisation of elite sport systems has been the focus of a great variety of different investigations over the past ten years. In particular, many studies have compared the structure and organisation of different national elite sport systems on the macro and meso levels. A result of the existing investigations is a clear convergence of the service portfolio different elite sport systems offer their athletes and coaches. Despite this current trend to a homogeneous elite sport system design, medal tables of major sport events suggest that some nations are still more successful than others in specific sports. This suggests that more successful sport systems might have found better ways to implement the otherwise similar and conventional support portfolio. However, there is a lack of studies that focus on what practices successful elite sport systems apply in the actual delivery of the support services to their athletes and coaches; in how far these practices are related to the ,success of the sport systems; if these practices look similar across different successful sport systems; and if these practices provide useful lessons for other systems to learn from. The management tool benchmarking appears to be a useful framework to guide such comparisons at the operational level. Thus, this thesis evaluated the applicability of this management concept for furthering understanding of elite sport system management. In order to conduct this evaluation it was decided to analyse the operational processes and structures two successful elite sport systems apply for the delivery of five elements of the elite sport support portfolio. In specific, the investigation focused on the comparison of the design of the squad system, the hierarchy of coaches within the squad system, the organisation of the coach education, as well as the provision of sport science and lifestyle support, which were the Benchmarking Objects of this study. The Swedish athletics and the Norwegian cross-country skiing national team, and the general elite sport support institutions they cooperate with, were chosen as the Benchmarking Subjects, i.e. the comparison partners, for this investigation. This research was based on a series of semi-structured interviews which were conducted with about 50 key pOSition holders such as coaches, athletes, lifestyle support managers, or performance diagnosticians during two study visits to Norway and Sweden. This study concluded that benchmarking can lead to insights into the operational management of successful elite sport systems. It must however also be stressed that benchmarking is not a universal remedy for the problems managers of elite sport systems face today. As this research showed, the two Benchmarking Subjects applied unexpected solutions for the delivery of some of the chosen Benchmarking Objects - and some of these practices appeared to be heavily linked to the organisational and cultural context of the investigated sport systems. Thus, it must be carefully evaluated for each process or structure, which is identified during a bench marking exercise, if it constitutes a transferable best practice which is applicable outside the organisational context of the respective Benchmarking Subject.

Introdução: O tema medicalização emerge como objeto de estudo no campo da sociologia da saúde, a partir da década de 70, nas vozes de Irving Zola, Ivan Illich, Peter Conrad e Michel Foucalt; as quais indicaram a crescente influência da medicina em campos que até então não lhe pertenciam. E, no decorrer dos anos, o termo vem sendo apropriado por vários campos: na saúde, na educação, na psicologia, entre outros. Esta configuração levou alguns estudiosos da primeira década do século XXI, a se preocupar com o uso impreciso e vago do conceito de medicalização na produção científica. Neste sentido, este estudo busca olhar para os processos de medicalização, tomando-o em sua pluralidade a fim de discernir as principais forças motrizes e coteja-las com as mudanças na contemporaneidade. Objetivo: Recuperar as forças motrizes contidas nas principais contribuições dos autores primários sobre os processos de medicalização. Método: Realizou-se um exercício hermenêutico composto pelos seguintes passos: leitura profunda do texto, fichamento dos aspectos centrais que caracterizam as diversas concepções sobre medicalização. Interpretação do conteúdo por meio da abstração dos núcleos de sentido e dos referenciais teóricos que lhe dão suporte. Resultados: A partir deste movimento reflexivo e crítico conseguiu-se desvelar quatro conceitos nucleares que representam as principais forças motrizes: a indústria, as instituições, o Estado e a sociedade. Zola oferece indícios que o Estado e a indústria teriam levado a sociedade à dependência da medicina. Para Illich, a medicina, por si só, detém o poder comparada as outras instituições. Para Michel Foucault, a medicina deixou de ser uma ciência pura e transformou-se numa instituição subordinada a um sistema econômico e de poder, enfim a uma lógica subjacente aos princípios e regras de governo. Em contrapartida, para Conrad a medicalização não constitui um empreendimento exclusivo da medicina, prevalecendo os interesses de outras instituições e organizações sociais. O sentido com que cada um desses conceitos é usado difere entre os autores e a distinção desses aspectos é chave para compreender a contribuição efetiva de cada um. Da mesma forma, ocorre quando os autores discutem as consequências e os efeitos causados pelos processos de medicalização. Alguns autores direcionam seus efeitos para os indivíduos, num processo de exacerbação da individualização; enquanto que outros focam os efeitos da medicalização nas políticas de saúde e na questão econômica associada ao oneroso custo financeiro para a sociedade e o país. Considerações finais: A recuperação e a compreensão dos significados subjacentes às principais forças motrizes presentes nas contribuições de cada autor apresentadas nesta investigação constituem-se em passo importante para subsidiar a reflexão sobre processos concretos de medicalização no início do século XXI, um período marcado por aceleradas transformações, no qual, entre outros aspectos, a medicina e várias instituições têm sido crescentemente, capturadas para satisfazer, de um lado o consumismo, e de outro, a avidez pelo lucro do mercado capitalista; ao mesmo tempo em que forças desagregadoras atravessam os sujeitos impactando sua autonomia e identidade política, social e econômica. / Introduction: The theme medicalization rises as an object of study in the sociology of health field, starting in the 70s from Irving Zola, Ivan Illich, Peter Conrad and Michel Foucault; which indicated the growing influence of medicine on groups not yet belonged by it. And, as years went by, the term has been appropriated by several fields: health, education, psychology, and so forth. This configuration took some scholars from the first decade of the 21st century to worry about the inaccurate and vague use of the concept of medicalization in the scientific production. Hence, this study focus on looking at the process of medicalization, taking it in its pluralities in order to discern the main driving forces and collate them with the changes in contemporaneity. Goal: Recover the driving forces contained in the main contributions from the primary authors about the process of medicalization. Methodology: It was performed an hermeneutic assignment made by the following steps: deep reading of the text, indexing of main aspects that characterize the various conceptions about medicalization, and interpretation of the content by the abstraction of the core of senses and theoretical references that support it. Result: From that reflexive and critic movement it was able to unveil four core concepts that represent the main driving forces: the industry, the institutions, the state and society. Zola offers clues showing that the state and the industry had taken society to a dependence of medicine. As for Illich, medicine by itself holds the power compared to the other institutions. For Michel Foucault, medicine stopped being plain science and became an institution subordinate to an economic and power system, therefore to an underlying logic to the government\'s rules and principles. In contrast, for Peter Conrad medicalization doesn\'t consist in a medicine exclusive enterprise, prevailing the interests of other social institutions and organizations. The meaning of which each of these concepts is used differs among the authors and the distinction of these aspects is the key to understanding an effective contribution of each one. Accordingly, it happens when the authors discuss the consequences and effects caused by the medicalization process. Some authors aim its effects to individuals, in a process of aggravation of individualization; whereas others focus the effects of medicalization on health policies and the economic aspect associated with the onerous financial cost to society and to the country. Final considerations: The recovery and understanding of the underlying meanings to the main driving forces contained within each authors contribution shown in this investigation consist in an important step to support the reflection about the factual process of medicalization at the beginning of the 21st century, a period marked by fast transformations which, among other aspects, medicine and several institutions have been increasingly taken to satisfy on the one hand consumerism, and on the other hand the greed for profit of the capitalist market, at the same time that disintegrating forces cross the subjects, impacting its political, social and economic autonomy and identity.

A pesquisa demonstra que a rede de infraestrutura, principalmente a rodoviária e a de energia estruturada entre 1950 e 2000, foi responsável pela inserção norte paranaense no processo de desenvolvimento capitalista nacional, inclusive como parte dos requisitos de reprodução da sociedade de elite. Esse processo teve início com a colonização do estado paranaense a partir de 1930, no contexto das transformações econômicas e sociais ocorridas ao longo do século XX. Para cumprir o objetivo de interpretar o processo de produção do espaço regional paranaense e identificar as relações entre a implantação da infraestrutura e os processos migratórios, os aspectos econômicos e sociais a esses relacionados, foram estudados: o histórico da implantação da infraestrutura rodoviária e de energia, aspectos demográficos, econômicos e políticos, as ações do Estado e dos grupos dominantes, sistematizados por micro e mesorregiões, região metropolitana e outros recortes espaciais, conforme a necessidade de análise. Como resultado, conclui-se que após quatro décadas e várias políticas e programas implantados no Paraná existe em curso um processo de reversão da tendência de desintegração do estado. O interior, incluindo o norte do estado, está integrado ao espaço paranaense e nacional, com concentração da industrialização, população, renda e riqueza em Curitiba e Região Metropolitana, assegurando a hegemonia dos grupos dominante estaduais. Ao final do século XX o Paraná está, de fato, articulado à produção e reprodução capitalista e à sociedade de elite. / This research shows that the infrastructure network, particularly the road and energy systems developed between the years 1950 and 2000, was responsible for the insertion of the North of Paraná state in the process of the national capitalist development, also as part of the requirements for the reproduction of the elite society. This process began during the early days of the state colonization, in 1930, within the context of the economic and social transformation that happened throughout the twentieth century. In order to achieve the objective of interpreting the production process of the regional area and identify the relationship between the infrastructure and the migration processes, including the economic and social aspects involved, we studied some issues. They are: the history of the beginning of road infrastructure and energy; demographic, economic and political aspects; and the government and dominant groups actions, divided by micro, meso, metropolitan and other regions as needed for analysis. The results showed that after four decades and many policies and programs later, there is an ongoing process of reversing the tendency of disintegration of the state. The interior, including the North of the state, is integrated into Paraná state and the country space, where the concentration of industries, population, income and wealthiness is in Curitiba City and metro area, ensuring the hegemony of dominant groups in the state. At the end of the twentieth century Paraná is, for sure, linked to the capitalist production and reproduction and to the elite society.

by Law Wun-sheng. / Title on added t.p.: UDHK and election in Hong Kong : the behavior, strategies and objectives of a political elite group. / Copy 3 contains chapter 6-7. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1992. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 102-105). / ACKNOWLEDGMENT / INTRODUCTION --- p.1 / Problem and Hypothesis / Data and Methodology / The Setting / Crisis and Opportunity / Elections in1991 / Emergence of UDHK / Chapter CHAPTER 1: --- FOUNDATION OF UDHK --- p.20 / Liberal Groups / A Common Goal / Infrastructure of UDHK / Moral and Contractual Basis / A Party of Populism? / Chapter CHAPTER 2: --- HYBRID OF WESTERN AND CHINESE CULTURES --- p.31 / Descendants of Refugees and Sojourners / Esoteric Socialization of Elite / Christianity and Rationality / Impersonal Standard / Impact of ICAC / Political Fabians / Normative and Pragmatic Rules / Principle of Calculation / Chapter CHAPTER 3: --- ELECTORAL STRATEGIES OF UDHK --- p.51 / Constraints and Restraints / A Mobilization Meeting / Action-set and Quasi-group / Home-visit to Voters / Joint-ticket Strategy / Principle of Reciprocity / Denigration and Negative Campaign / Traditional Strategies / Chapter CHAPTER 4: --- OBJECTIVES OF UDHK --- p.73 / A Greater Democracy in Hong Kong / Legislative Restraints / Universalistic and Particularistic Interests / Prestigious and Pecuniary Goals / The Burden of Chinese Culture / From 'Rose Garden' to 'Rosy China' / Chapter CHAPTER 5: --- CONCLUSION --- p.92 / NOTES --- p.98 / BIBLIOGRAPHY --- p.102 / Chapter APPENDIX I - --- Interview Questionnaire --- p.106 / Chapter APPENDIX II - --- Home-visit Survey Questionnaire --- p.109 / CHRONOLOGY OF MAJOR EVENTS IN HONG KONG --- p.112 / POLITICAL HISTORY

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-28T20:56:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rita de Cassia Mitleg Kulnig.pdf: 5121182 bytes, checksum: fa306b76e9f6ceb6fcf5024f72191fea (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-11-12 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The objective of this research was to reveal the construction of meaning and sense that young people economically advantaged parts of society of Espirito Santo on social inequality and the link between education and social inequality. We tried to identify what is social inequality for these young people perceive as the mechanisms for social mobility, social inequality they experience in their daily lives and relationships established between education and social inequality. The survey was conducted in two stages. At one stage, the questionnaire was applied in 404 young students from the 1st, 2nd and 3rd year of high school for five private schools in the cities of Vitoria and Vila Velha / ES. In the 2nd stage of the research were semistructured interviews with 10 young people, with seven girls and three boys, all participants of the 1st stage of the research. The questionnaire data were tabulated and quantified and the analysis of the justifications given to the matter that made up the questionnaire was done through the creation of categories and subcategories of responses. Interview data were organized from the themes proposed by the research and analyzed through the identification of pre-indicators and indicators in order to articulate the meanings expressed by young people. The results showed income inequality as the central element that characterizes the inequality for these young people a greater weight of acquired characteristics as a mechanism of social mobilization; violence as an expression of social inequality more present in their daily lives and education as a resource to generate equal opportunities / O objetivo desta pesquisa foi desvelar as construções de significação e sentido que os jovens economicamente favorecidos da sociedade capixaba fazem sobre a desigualdade social e sobre a relação entre educação e desigualdade social. Buscou-se identificar o que é desigualdade social para esses jovens; como percebem os mecanismos de ascensão social; como vivenciam a desigualdade social em seu cotidiano e que relações estabelecem entre educação e desigualdade social. A pesquisa foi realizada em duas etapas. Na 1ª etapa, aplicou-se questionário em 404 jovens, alunos do 1º, 2º e 3º anos do Ensino Médio de 5 escolas privadas situadas nos municípios de Vitória e Vila Velha/ES. Na 2ª etapa da pesquisa, foram realizadas entrevistas semi-estruturadas com 10 jovens, sendo 7 meninas e 3 meninos, todos participantes da 1ª etapa da pesquisa. Os dados do questionário foram tabulados e quantificados e a análise das justificativas dadas às questão que compunham o questionário foi realizada por meio da criação de categorias e subcategorias de respostas. Os dados das entrevistas foram organizados a partir dos temas propostos pela pesquisa , e analisados a partir da identificação de pré-indicadores e indicadores com o objetivo de articular os sentidos expressos pelos jovens. Os resultados obtidos apontaram a desigualdade de renda como o elemento central que caracteriza a desigualdade social para esses jovens; um peso maior das características adquiridas como mecanismo de mobilização social; a violência como a expressão da desigualdade social mais presente em seus cotidianos e a educação como recurso para gerar igualdade de oportunidades

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T16:32:53Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Silvia Maria de Freitas Adriao.pdf: 873098 bytes, checksum: 2e557a035beb405696178c0e78f135e0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-02-24 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The present study aimed to describe the expectations of the parents whose children study in private schools in São Paulo since the choice of the school where their children begin the elementary school; it also intended to describe the facilities those parents apply in order to build a successful school life for their children. The research focused on the social uses of school especially those used by the economically privileged groups. It was performed in date collection and study of literature on the issues about the participation, the private schools and family-school relations for the development of this research. It was performed a fieldwork for the collection of information through an on-line questionnaire sent to parents of private schools in different regions of São Paulo. Based on the Bourdieu's theory, it´s possible to assume that families operate in the educational field by the illusio (idea to invest with conscience in the field), playing the game of school education in line with the operation of private schools, by having similar habitus that are inculcated in schools that facilitate and promote this relationship. The study also identified that there is a market relationship embodied in the relationship between schools and those families in the terms of a business relationship, considering that the result and the interventions were due to the product that they bought at the time of making the choice of school for their children / A presente pesquisa teve como objetivo caracterizar qual é a expectativa que os pais de crianças que estudam em escolas privadas do município de São Paulo têm em relação à escolha da escola para seus filhos quando estes iniciam seu processo de escolarização no ensino fundamental e quais os recursos que utilizam para tentar construir uma vida escolar de sucesso. É uma pesquisa sobre os usos sociais da escola em especial ao que diz respeito aos grupos privilegiados economicamente. Para o desenvolvimento desta pesquisa, foram consultados documentos e foi realizado um levantamento e estudo de bibliografia referente aos temas da participação, escolas privadas e relação família-escola. Posteriormente foi realizada uma pesquisa de campo para a busca de informações por meio de um questionário on-line enviado aos pais de escolas privadas de diversas regiões da cidade de São Paulo. Teve como hipótese a afirmação de que há investimentos e expectativas das famílias de escolas privadas em manter, reproduzir ou obter privilégios e status social utilizando da escola como mecanismo de perpetuação, de forma consciente e programada, apostando e intervindo na vida escolar de maneira a garantir o sucesso desse investimento. Partindo da teoria de Bourdieu, é possível dizer que as famílias operam no Campo educacional a partir da illusio (ideia de investir com consciência no Campo), jogando o jogo da educação escolar em consonância com as operações das escolas privadas e que possuem habitus similares aos que são inculcados nas escolas que facilitam e promovem essa relação. O estudo identificou também que há uma relação de mercado incorporada na relação entre as escolas e as famílias participantes, o resultado e as intervenções estão vinculadas ao produto que se compra, ou melhor, ao que foi observado na hora de fazer a escolha da escola para seus filhos