FundaÃÃo de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado do Cearà / Este trabalho procura compreender a formaÃÃo da elite colonial nos SertÃes de MombaÃa, capitania do Siarà grande, no sÃculo XVIII. Para tanto, busca-se analisar quais os meios que permitiram a constituiÃÃo desta elite colonial, como a forma das concessÃes de sesmarias, as justificativas apresentadas pelos requerentes, a natureza individual ou coletiva dos pedidos, a origem social dos sesmeiros, visando identificar quais os padrÃes por eles apresentados que justificavam a referida mercÃ. Especificamente sobre os SertÃes de MombaÃa, ribeira do BanabuiÃ, hoje SertÃo Central do CearÃ, os pedidos eram justificados em sua maioria pelos serviÃos prestados nas guerras justas contra os gentios e como justificativa econÃmica da ocupaÃÃo nas fazendas de criar. Em seguida procuro analisar a constituiÃÃo e desenvolvimento histÃrico das fazendas de criar e as articulaÃÃes familiares e econÃmicas que propiciaram a formaÃÃo desta elite proprietÃria de terras, gados e escravos. / This research intends to analyze the colonial elite process of formation in the Hinterlands of MombaÃa, situated in the Captaincy of Siarà Grande, along the XVIIIth century. For this purpose, I have looked at the means that enabled the establishment of these colonial elite, such as, the grant allotments procedures, the justifications provided by its applicants, the individual or collective nature of the requests, and the social background of those who received allotments. Those aspects herein examined served to identify the patterns which were presented by the recipients to justify such endowment. Specifically about the Hinterlands of MombaÃa, located on the banks of the river Banabuià in the Hinterlands Central CearÃ, the applications were mostly justified for the military services rendered in the so-called fair-wars (Guerras Justas) against the indigenous nations and also as economic justification for the inlands occupations through the opening up cattle ranches. Then, I seek to analyze the configuration and the historical development of those cattle ranches, the family agreements and the economical joints that favored the formation of these local colonial elite whose economic strength was based on the ownership of lands, cattle and slaves.

Orientador: José Ricardo Barbosa Gonçalves / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-24T21:51:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rangel_RonaldoRaemy_D.pdf: 2011320 bytes, checksum: 8cbd2a68eb0ceeefba3750469bd375fa (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Resumo: O presente trabalho tem como objetivo discutir o papel de um grupo específico das elites no Império, segmento que sem dúvida pertencia ao grupo hegemônico do país, mas que dele se destacava por sua instrução, nível cultural e, principalmente, por seu contato frequente com o mundo já desenvolvido nos moldes da revolução industrial. Por um lado tal segmento, como parte da elite econômica, atuou de forma pragmática na direção da criação de um Estado que se tornasse um ator privilegiado e que atendesse aos interesses dos produtores envolvidos com o modelo escravocrata¿agrário¿exportador e, por outro, adotou uma visão humanista que se vinculava a sua compreensão sobre as transformações em sociedades que desfrutavam de ganhos advindos da revolução industrial, mas que viam emergir novas relações sociais. Assim, o segmento da elite estudado, independente da esfera do Estado, buscou discutir questões relevantes para os seus interesses e o fez pela aproximação a instituições privadas de caráter não confessional através das quais puderam generalizar suas ideias, quer fosse entre seus próprios membros (já que entendiam como necessário que estivessem eles próprios organizados como atores coletivos) quer com o conjunto de homens livres, que não derivassem do grupo hegemônico. Uma das associações escolhidas por esse segmento foi a Sociedade Amante da Instrução que é usada como guia do trabalho / Abstract: This work intends to discuss the role of a specific group of elites in the Empire, a segment which belonged to the hegemonic group in the country, but it stood out for their education, cultural level, and especially for his frequent contact with the developed world after the industrial revolution. As part of the economic elite, acted pragmatically to create a State to become a privileged actor and would meet the interests of producers involved with model slave agrarian export, and, secondly, adopted a humanistic vision that was linked to transformations in societies that enjoyed gains from the industrial revolution, but they saw emerging new social relations. The segment of elite studied, regardless of the sphere of the State, sought to discuss issues relevant to their interests and made the approach to private institutions (non-confessional) through which could generalize their ideas, whether it were among their own members (as understood that they needed to be organized as collective actors) or among free men, that were not derived from the hegemonic group. One of the associations chosen by this segment was the Sociedade Amante da Instrução which is used to guide the work / Doutorado / Historia Economica / Doutor em Desenvolvimento Economico

Qu'est-ce que la Responsabilité Sociale des Entreprises (RSE) et peut-elle être induite par la demande ? Le fait de fournir un bien public est-il rentable pour les entreprises ou ces biens devraient-ils être exclusivement fournis par l’État ? Les produits verts sont-ils excessivement chers et devraient-ils être taxés ? Une fois la taxe imposée, qui seront les bénéficiaires et qui paiera effectivement la taxe ? En quoi les résultats dépendent-ils de la complémentarité ou substituabilité entre l'investissement en RSE en question et le bien public fourni par l’État ? Le chapitre 1 de cette dissertation répond à ces questions et crée un cadre conceptuel pour approfondir l'analyse, dans les chapitres suivants, de la RSE en tant que pratique désirable par laquelle les entreprises fournissent un bien public à côté du bien privé qu'elles produisent. Une des questions qui émergent de l'analyse est le besoin d'identifier et d'explorer une nouvelle forme de dichotomie qui est l'arbitrage entre la fourniture du bien public par le marché via la RSE et sa fourniture à travers l’État. Cette question est très intéressante dans le cas des pays en développement, mais aussi des pays développés, où les entreprises ont des liens politiques importants. Le chapitre 2 montre que les entreprises ayant des liens politiques - ou, dans le cas extrême, les hommes d'affaire-politiciens - sont en mesure d'influencer le gouvernement pour réduire le niveau de bien public qu'il fournit afin de maximiser le rendement réputationnel de leur investissement en RSE. Le mécanisme est le suivant. Un niveau de bien public insuffisant fourni par l'Etat offre des gains politiques importants pour les firmes qui contribuent à ce bien à travers leurs activités de RSE pour corriger la défaillance de l’État. Les consommateurs se méfient alors des vraies motivations des entreprises derrière ces activités, elles pourraient résulter de leur bienfaisance mais aussi de leur cupidité politique. Toutefois, comme toutes les entreprises, y compris les plus bienfaisantes et les plus opportunistes, participent, le fait qu'affaires et politique interfèrent ne détériore pas la réputation des participants à la RSE puisque ces gains politiques sont tellement importants que tout le monde s'y engage. La corruption devient socialement acceptable dans le sens où elle n'est pas sanctionnée en termes de réputation. Le chapitre 3 fournit une explication stratégique du phénomène de la corruption devenant épidémique dans une économie. Il explique pourquoi la corruption, sous forme de prise de pot-de-vin, peut se répandre entre les différentes agences du gouvernement sous le simple effet de l'interdépendance de leurs efforts. / What is Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) and can it be demand-driven ? Is there a business case for corporates providing the public good or should it be solely provided by the government ? Are green products over-priced and should they be taxed ? If they are, who are the beneficiaries and who are the actual tax payers ? Will results differ whether the CSR investments in question complement or substitute for the government provision of public goods ? Chapter 1 of this Ph.D. dissertation will address these questions and create a conceptual framework for further analysis in subsequent chapters of CSR as a desirable activity whereby firms provide a public good alongside the private good they produce. One of the main issues that emerge from this analysis is the need to identify and explore a new kind of dichotomy, i.e. the trade-off between market provision of public goods via CSR and its public counterpart via the government. This question gains particular importance in the context of developing countries, as well as in some developed ones, where firms have strong political ties. In Chapter 2, it is shown that politically connected firms - or, at extreme, the business politicians - may try to influence the government to reduce its provision of the public good to maximize the reputational return on their CSR investments. The mechanism goes as follows. An underprovided public good offers the opportunity for large political benefits to firms stepping in the areas where the government fails to deliver through their CSR activities. Consumers are suspicious about the true motives for which firms engage in CSR, it may be out of benevolence or political greed, however, since all firms, including the greediest and the most prosocial ones participate, politics interfering with business does not spoil firms' image since those political benefits are so large that everyone does it. We refer to this phenomenon as corruption becoming a social norm. Chapter 3 provides a strategic explanation for this phenomenon of corruption being epidemic in the economy. It explains why corruption, in the form of bribe­taking, may become widespread among government agencies, for the mere reason that their efforts are interdependent.

Chronology, Identity, Urbanism and State in the Central and South Central Andes between V and X Centuries AD: Some Final ConclusionsThe article doesn´t have an abstract / El artículo no presenta resumen

A presente pesquisa dedica-se a estudar o perfil dos Juízes de Paz e sua atuação na política local na sede de Rio Pardo, Província do Rio Grande do Sul, entre 1828 a 1850. O funcionamento do Juizado de Paz esteve vinculado a um contexto de reorganização administrativa-judiciária e ao distanciamento dos moldes da justiça portuguesa. Em 1827, com sua efetiva regulamentação, foram introduzidos nas paróquias como importantes agentes para as demandas locais. Constatou-se que devido a sua independência e eletividade aliado ao aumento expressivo de suas funções no decorrer da década de 1830, o cargo se tornou a autoridade mais requisitada e com amplos poderes em sua jurisdição. Ademais, investigando os eleitos para o cargo e sua ação em processos que transcorreram em seu juízo, foi possível revelar a transitoriedade de um elite política no espaço camarário e o seu potencial de agente político na localidade. As principais fontes utilizadas foram os registros eclesiásticos, documentação cartorária, livros de posses e juramentos, livros de registros gerais e códices da Câmara Municipal, correspondências e processos do Juizado de Paz de Rio Pardo. / The present research is dedicated to the study the profile of the Justices of the Peace and their acting in the local politics at the headquarters of Rio Pardo, Province of Rio Grande do Sul, between 1828 and 1850. The Court of Peace functioning was vinculated to a context of administrative-judiciary reorganization and to the distancing from the molds of the Portuguese Justice. In 1827, with its effective regulation, they were inserted in the parishes as important agents for the local demands. It was proved that due to its independence and electivity allied to the expressive increase of its functions during the decade of 1830, the post became the most requested authority and with wide powers in its jurisdiction. Moreover, investigating the elected ones for the position and their action in processes which elapsed in its judgement, it was possible to reveal the transience of a political elite in the Council environment and its potential of political agent at the locality. The main utilized sources were the ecclesiastic records, notary’s office documentation, possession books and oaths, general recording books and codexes of the City Council, correspondences and processes of the Court of Peace of Rio Pardo.

No description available.

Comment se constitue un pouvoir politique réputé "absolu" là où dans la séquence historique immédiatement antérieure le chef de l’Etat ne jouissait pas d’une position prééminente ? Norbert Elias avait placé cette énigme au cœur de ses réflexions dans La société de cour. L’ambition de cette thèse est de la reprendre à partir d’un tout autre contexte socio-historique et sur une temporalité plus courte : en s’inspirant de la démarche éliasienne mais aussi de la sociologie pragmatique et de certains apports de l’ethnométhodologie, il s’agit de comprendre, d’une manière sociologique, comment, en l’espace d’à peine deux décennies, un rapport de domination politique particulièrement marqué a pu s’instaurer en Russie entre le chef de l’Etat et les magnats de l’économie. Pour répondre à cette question, la thèse se centre sur une forme particulière de cérémonial où la déférence à l’égard du chef de l’Etat peut être observée publiquement - les interviews télévisées avec des membres des élites économiques - et développe trois arguments. Fondé sur l’analyse d’un corpus d’émissions diffusées sur la chaîne de télévision publique Rossiya 24 et sur celle, « indépendante », Dozhd, aussi bien que sur les entretiens « exégétiques » avec les intervieweurs de deux chaînes, l’enquête démontre que la domination du chef de l’Etat repose pour une part essentielle sur la croyance collective, partagée au sein des élites, en un ensemble de règles – le pacte – qui prescrivent de quelle façon il convient de traiter la personne du Président dans l’espace public. La thèse montre ensuite la place centrale qu’occupent les médias dans la reproduction de l’ordre politique aujourd’hui en Russie. Ceux-ci se présentent comme le théâtre où se constitue la croyance des élites dans le pouvoir « absolu » du président. Afin de le montrer la thèse étudie, à l’aide d’entretiens réalisés avec les journalistes et les responsables des deux chaînes de télévision concernées, le dispositif matériel et organisationnel de ces chaînes. Finalement, à travers l’analyse d’un corpus de données de presse et de documents audiovisuels, la thèse montre que l’effort de soumission au chef de l’Etat, que les membres des élites économiques russes manifestent de plus en plus nettement dans certaines situations publiques à partir des années 2010 s’explique par la transformation de la sensibilité et de l’habitus psychique propre au groupe social des oligarques – transformation elle-même liée à l’évolution de la « balance des pouvoirs » au sein des élites au cours de la décennie 2000. / How a political power deemed “absolute” is established where during the previous historical period the chief of the state could not not enjoy such a pre-eminent position? Norbert Elias had placed this question at the heart of his reflections in The court society. The idea of this thesis is to apply the Eliasian question to a different socio-historical context. Drawing inspiration from the Eliasian approach, but also from pragmatic sociology and ethnomethodology, this thesis aims to understand how a system of the relations of domination between the head of the state and the tycoons could form in Russia in less than twenty years. To answer this question, the thesis focuses on a particular form of publicly observable ceremonial of deference towards the head of the state - television interviews with members of the economic elites. The thesis develops three arguments. Based on the analysis of a corpus of programs broadcasted on the public television channel Rossiya 24 and on the "independent" channel Dozhd, as well as on the "exegetical" interviews with interviewers of two channels, the thesis demonstrates that the domination of the head of the state is based on the collective belief, shared among the members of elites, in a set of rules which prescribe how the person of the president should be treated in the public space. Secondly, the thesis shows the central role played by the media in the reproduction of the political order in Russia. The media can be seen as the theater where the belief in the "absolute" power of the president is formed. In order to show this, the thesis studies the organization of the two television channels through interviews with journalists and officials of these channels. Finally, through the analysis of a corpus of press and audio-visual documents, the thesis shows that the effort of submission to the head of the State, that the members of the Russian economic elites manifest more and more clearly in certain public situations in recent years, can be explained by the transformation of their psychic habitus and sensibility. This transformation is related to the evolution of the "balance of powers" within the elites during this decade.

[pt] O presente trabalho procura compreender as motivações sociais que influenciam os atuais ministros do STF em tomadas de decisões e suas possíveis consequências para a estrutura do Estado brasileiro. A hipótese com a qual começamos essa pesquisa supõe haver elementos estamentais burocráticos que motivem a ação de seus atuais membros. E, posteriormente, estabelecer de que maneira o novo desenho institucional da corte dialoga com o pacto democrático, federativo e republicano; considerando, principalmente, os conceitos de estamento e patrimonialismo. / [en] This research examines the current Brazilian Supreme Court s actions enlightened by Max Weber and Raymuno Faoro s concept of estamento burocrático. The hypothesis with which we begin this research supposes that it exists elements of the estamento burocrático present on the judges actions and judgements. Therefore, in whitch way the new redesign of the Brazilian Supreme Court dialogues with the democratic, federative and democratic pacts, highlighting the concepts of estamento and patrimonialismo on our analysis.

This thesis explores the concept of hybridity within the context of rebel-to-party transformation, with a particular focus on Renamo during the period of 2015-2017 in Mozambique. This timeframe was marked by a resurgence of organised systematic violence, disrupting the relative peace that had prevailed in Mozambique since 1992. The central conflict revolved around the issue of local self-governance, with Renamo asserting its claim to govern in six out of Mozambique's ten provinces. During this period, Renamo operated both as a political party with a significant presence in parliament and as an armed group engaged in systematic violence. The rebel-to-party literature has sparked discussions about groups that seem to retain elements of their violent past while transitioning into political parties, leading to the emergence of the concept of hybrid parties. However, this concept remains relatively undefined and underexplored. This thesis seeks to contribute to this discussion through an in-depth qualitative study of Renamo's elite-level politicians, aiming to enhance our understanding of hybrid parties. The study, conducted during the conflict years, closely examines how elite politicians in Renamo navigate their dual roles. It encompasses 14 months of fieldwork from February 2015 to January 2017, drawing on elite interviews, elite-level public statements, and elite observations of parliament, enriched by ethnographic sensibility. The analysis is grounded in a theoretical framework that allows for an exploration of Renamo's behaviour and perceptions as both an armed group and a political party, particularly concerning the issue of local self-governance. Through this analysis, the study aims to elucidate the intersections, thereby advancing our comprehension of how hybridity manifests. The main findings suggest that Renamo's hybridity predominantly manifests through processes related to contemporaneity in behaviour, elite-level legitimisation, and one key political issue. Furthermore, I argue that the hybridity is maintained through narratives of democracy and a charismatic leader. The thesis advocates for a deeper exploration of these processes to enhance both empirical understanding and the theoretical discussion surrounding hybrid parties.

The purpose of this study is to discover and explain the influences of media coverage of organizational crises on crisis communication, and vice versa. The study also shows how mediated crises develop, and how media framing and news sources affect this development. Carried out as a case study of three Swedish mediated crises, the methods used are quantitative and qualitative content analysis of media content from four Swedish newspapers and four organizations' press releases from the studied crises. Mediated crises develop through their specific pattern regardless of, but not independent from, the organizations' crisis communication. The crisis communication is used as an elite source in media reporting from the crises, but it can not control the mediated crises. However, it influences framing, and the possibilities to influence media reporting are better in the pre-crisis phase and the culmination.