This study develops and tests a group conflict model as an explanation for international immigration beliefs in the United States and Canada. Group conflict is structured by evaluations concerning group relationships and group members. At a conceptual level group conflict explains a broad range of policy beliefs among a large number of actors in multiple settings. Group conflict embodies attitudes relating to objective-based conditions and subjective-based beliefs.

M.A. (Development Studies) / This report evaluates the response of the South African government to migrant unaccompanied minors at Musina and Beitbridge Limpopo province. The report begins by outlining the migration situation at the Beitbridge Border post and the reasons for UAMs‘ migration to South Africa. It also highlights the processesthey follow in migrating, services available and their vulnerability to sexual and gender based violence as they cross the border through irregular routes. The second section outlines the responsibilities of host states in as far as the needs of migrant UAMs are concerned. As this study is focusing on the South African government, the section further develops a narrative informed by international law and the South African Constitution as well as policies and legislationin force in South Africa. This section points to a well developed legal and policy framework for securing the rights of migrant children. The third section concludes by summarising the needs of UAMs and by stating some of the measures that should be implemented by the South African government in responding to the situation. The fourth section of this study presents evidence crucial for evaluation of state responses to its obligations towards UAMs. This section presents evidence gathered over a period of time in Beitbridge and Musina that enables me to evaluate the South African state‘s respond to UAMs in Musina and Beitbridge. The outcomes of this research indicate that South Africa has failed to implement international law and the Constitutional, legal and policy frameworks in as far as the rights of migrant UAMs are concerned. The majority of UAMs are from Zimbabwe and they are running away from social, economic and political instabilities in that country. In addition, these children are migrants in their own right and existing research indicates that where children migrate alone, they are particularly vulnerable to exploitative working conditions, violence and denial of basic rights.Page ix Many children migrated in order to pursue their education as well as to work in order to support themselves and families back home. However, many of the migrant‘s organisations that exist do not specifically address the rights of children or response to their needs. Migrant children‘s ability to satisfy their basic needs is extremely compromised; much of the work is currently done by a few non-governmental organisations and faith based organisations especially with regard to shelter and food provision with very minimal support from the South African government. UAMs have very limited access to government departments and services. The majority of UAMs are crowded in the streets in Musina and others in towns such as Louis Trichardt, Thohoyandou, Dzanini and on farms wherein they fend for their own living and there is no one to cater for their needs. This report concludes by making recommendations for interventions to the South African government for implementing Children‘s rights and strengthening migrant children‘s access to basic rights in South Africa.

No description available.

Call number: LD2668 .T4 1985 D38 / Master of Arts

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2015. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This research study discusses the extent to which transnational organised crime (TOC) has had an impact on Norwegian immigration policy. There has been a public debate in Norway about the involvement of asylum seekers in various forms of organised crime, leading immigration authorities to lament their insufficient resources and means to tackle the problem. Simultaneously, restrictive amendments have been made to the Norwegian Immigration Act, suggesting that immigration law is applied against TOC. The aim of the study is to understand why there has been a change in Norwegian immigration policy, and to discuss the effects and implications of the change. The study is a single-case study using qualitative methods, as the study seeks to provide a detailed description of Norwegian immigration policy and the context in which the changes in the immigration policy have been made. The case of Norway has been chosen because of the increasing focus that TOC has been receiving from Norwegian immigration authorities, accompanied by broad media coverage and restrictive amendments to the Immigration Act. The theories that are applied – criminologies of the self and the other, crimmigration, and securitisation theory – are all chosen because they address different aspects of “us” and “them” thinking. The study argues that the increased focus on transnational organised crime in Norwegian crime statistics reflects the narrative of the criminal other, found in criminologies of the self and the other. Within this narrative the criminal others are distinctly different from ordinary citizens of society and must be excluded for our own security and protection. This contributes to reinforcement of a discourse in which asylum seekers and illegal immigrants become difficult to distinguish from suspicious others and criminals. Accordingly, there is support for the claim that Norwegian immigration policy has been subject to a process of crimmigration. Further, it is found that Norwegian immigration policy has been securitised. It is concluded that although there might be a connection between transnational organised crime and a shift in immigration policy, the change in immigration policy is rather a result of the larger issue of immigration in general. The theoretical framework shows how immigration becomes framed within a security and criminal context, leading to a narrative where the other becomes a potential threat to members of society. This is problematic in a world where inequality is on the rise, and international conventions on human rights are at odds with punitive populism. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie navorsingstudie bespreek tot watter mate transnasionale georganiseerde misdaad ʼn impak gehad het op Noorweë se immigrasiebeleid. ʼn Openbare debat is in Noorweë gevoer oor die betrokkenheid van asielsoekers by verskeie vorme van georganiseerde misdaad, wat daartoe gelei het dat immigrasie-owerhede beswaar gemaak het teen die onvoldoende hulpbronne en middele wat tot hul beskikking is om die probleem aan te spreek. Terselfdertyd is beperkende wysigings in Noorweë se immigrasiewet aangebring wat aandui dat immigrasiereg teen transnasionale georganiseerde misdaad aangewend moet word. Die doel van hierdie studie was om te verstaan waarom ʼn verandering in Noorweë se immigrasiebeleid aangebring is en om die gevolge en implikasies van hierdie verandering te ondersoek. ʼn Enkele gevallestudie is in hierdie studie onderneem en daar is gebruik gemaak van kwalitatiewe metodes om die navorser in staat te stel om ʼn gedetailleerde beskrywing te gee van Noorweë se immigrasiebeleid en die konteks waarbinne die veranderinge in hierdie beleid aangebring is. Noorweë is as gevallestudie gekies as gevolg van die toenemende fokus wat deur Noorweegse immigrasieowerhede op transnasionale georganiseerde misdaad geplaas word, vergesel van omvattende mediadekking, en die beperkende wysigings wat in die immigrasiewet aangebring is. Die teorieë wat in hierdie studie aangewend is – kriminologie oor die “self” en die “ander”, “krimigrasie” (crimmigration) en sekerheidsteorie – is gekies op grond daarvan dat hulle verskillende aspekte van denke oor “ons” (die “self”) en “hulle” (die “ander”) aanspreek. In hierdie studie word daar geargumenteer dat die toenemende fokus op transnasionale georganiseerde misdaad in Noorweegse misdaadstatistiek die narratief van die kriminele “ander” reflekteer, waarna daar in die kriminologie oor die “self” en die “ander” verwys word. In hierdie narratief word ʼn duidelike onderskeid tussen die kriminele “ander” en die “gewone” burgers getref en die kriminele moet ter wille van hierdie burgers se veiligheid en beskerming uitgesluit word van die samelewing. Dit dra by tot die versterking van ʼn diskoers waarin dit moeilik word om asielsoekers en onwettige immigrante van verdagtes en kriminele te onderskei. Dienooreenkomstig daarmee is daar steun vir die bewering dat Noorweë se immigrasiebeleid onderworpe is aan ʼn krimigrasieproses. Verder is daar bevind dat Noorweë se immigrasiebeleid aangepas is deur dit binne ʼn sekerheidsraamwerk te plaas. Daar is tot die gevolgtrekking gekom dat alhoewel daar ʼn verband tussen transnasionale georganiseerde misdaad en ʼn verskuiwing in immigrasiebeleid mag wees, die verandering in immigrasiebeleid eerder ʼn gevolg is van die groter kwessie rondom immigrasie in die algemeen. Die teoretiese raamwerk dui aan hoe immigrasie geskets word in ʼn sekuriteits- en kriminele konteks, wat lei tot ʼn narratief waar die “ander” ʼn potensiële bedreiging vir lede van die samelewing word. Dit is problematies in ʼn wêreld waar ongelykheid toeneem en internasionale konvensies oor menseregte strydig is met strafbare populisme.

No description available.

This thesis examines the most prolific emigration of any European peoples to the United States in the nineteenth century. From the close of the Napoleonic Wars to the turn of the twentieth century, some 5 million people left the area outlined by Bismarck’s Reich, headed for America.1 As a consequence of this migration, Germans represent the largest ethnic heritage group in the modern day United States. As of 2008, official German heritage in the U.S. (the lineage of at least one parent) was 50,271,790, against a total population of 304,059,728, a 16.5% share.2 By comparison, those of Irish heritage numbered 36,278,332, and those of Mexican heritage 30,272,000.3 During the nineteenth century, the mass movement of Germans across the Atlantic occurred in distinct phases. The period between 1830 and the mid-­‐1840s was a period of growth; the annual figure of 10,000 departures was reached by 1832, and by the time of the 1848 revolutions, nearly half a million had left for the USA. Then, between the late 1840s and the early 1880s, a prolonged and heavy mass movement took place, during which the number of departures achieved close to, or exceeded, three quarters of a million per decade. Then, from the mid-­‐1880s to the outbreak of the First World War, the emigration entered terminal decline. The last significant years of emigration were recorded in 1891-­‐2; by the turn of the twentieth century, it was all but over.

Thesis (MPA)--Stellenbosch University, 2015. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Please refer to fulltext for abstract / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Sien asb volteks vir opsomming

International retirement migration (IRM) is a growing and significant feature of the European Union. It has important economic implications in terms of the redistribution of social costs, factors reward and incomes. Using overlapping generations models and simulation techniques this thesis focuses on the economic effects of International Retirement Migration (IRM) within the European Union (EU). Three main parts make up this thesis. The first part summaries the legal and the social framework within the European Union where IRM takes place. Access to European welfare system is based on the principle of non-discrimination. However, the European Comunity law regulates the possibility of free riding through the resource requirement. In the second part, after a brief literature review in social security, the thesis develops a quantitative model that tries to explain some reasons why IRM may take place. Starting with a difference between "environment" of European countries, some people may opt for a better life in another country when they retire. We also focus on the capital accumulation effect for home and host countries. The presence of large populations of retired foreign residents in European countries raises fundamental questions with respect to the right of access to health and welfare services. In the third part, bearing in mind the principle of free movement of capital and the non-discrimination principle in accessing public service within the EU, we focus on the economic effects of IRM for the host country, for the individual migrants themselves, for the host communities and for public policy.

This dissertation is about how Jonathan Dickinson (1663-1722), a second-generation Anglo-Jamaican planter and early-Philadelphian merchant, made sense of the mercurial and uncertain Atlantic world around the turn of the eighteenth century. The following chapters examine Dickinson’s interactions with an extremely diverse group of European, Native American, and African peoples who collectively comprised a formative generation of colonial society in North America and the West Indies. The main purpose of this dissertation is to provide a counterpoint to the many tautologous, whiggish, and nationalistic interpretations of Anglo-Atlantic history that tend to deemphasise the obvious disconnections, disruptions, discord, and diversity apparent during the lateseventeenth and early-eighteenth centuries. This dissertation further contends that individuals, driven by self-preservation and influenced by local circumstances, dictated the direction and the pace of many inter-colonial, inter-imperial, and trans-Atlantic developments familiar to the late-eighteenth century Anglo-Atlantic world. In short, new exigencies outweighed custom, and self-preservation, rather than directives from metropolitan governments, guided Atlantic peoples’ actions. By extension of individual actions, the nascent British Atlantic Empire began to take shape.