This dissertation investigates the relationship between the cultural memory of the Holocaust and postwar migration to Europe from the Global South. I argue that the European postcolonial and migrant literature I read claims the history of the Jewish Question and Holocaust memory as critical resources for Europe's new migrants and diasporic communities. In these late-twentieth-century and contemporary works, the Holocaust represents the failures of assimilation, religious tolerance, and minority rights in Europe. This literature's attentiveness to Holocaust memory, I show, critically disrupts both the strategic forgetting of the Holocaust and the simultaneous repurposing of its memory as instructive of the dangers of failed recognition in postwar Western European democracies. I argue that the works I examine in this dissertation situate Holocaust memory as an aspect of a migrant counter-pedagogy: the residues of past violence reveal the insufficiency of liberal strategies for the management of difference, and signal the danger of current versions of racialist thought. Europe's violence against the Jews thus functions as a paradigm for the limits of diasporic life and the possibilities of cohabitation in contemporary Europe.

Over the past decade, cities have passed an unprecedented number of laws seeking to drive undocumented immigrants from their jurisdictions. At the same time, however, large numbers of cities have passed policies seeking to incorporate recent immigrants into local civic and social life, regardless of immigration status. What explains why similar cities have responded so differently? Quantitative analysis tests the explanatory power of theories of political opportunity structure, labor market competition, demographic changes represented as threats, and the exclusionary tendencies of homeowners in predicting the passage of exclusionary and inclusionary ordinances in cities nationwide. The predictors of the passage of exclusionary ordinances are consistent with the salience of political opportunity structure, demographic changes represented as threats, and the exclusionary tendencies of homeowners. The predictors of the passage of inclusionary ordinances are most consistent with theories of political opportunity structure and the relative absence of the exclusionary tendencies of homeowners in cities with lower levels of owner-occupied housing. Case studies in two sets of paired cities that passed diverging ordinances examine the social and political processes on the ground. This qualitative research finds that residents in exclusionary cities expressed anxieties over the effects of demographic change on home values and neighborhood character. Diverging processes of framing and mobilization emerge as central to the development of local collective identities that include or exclude new immigrant residents. Network analysis of the connections between local civil society organizations in each of the four case study cities identifies the architecture of local civil society networks as a significant factor correlated with the divergent responses to demographic change. The networks in exclusionary cities score highly on measures of density, clustering, and closure, suggest that the network is broken into cliques and that local elites are isolated both from recent immigrants and from non-elite, native-born residents. The high levels of network closure facilitate the creation of rigid group boundaries, the high levels of clustering reinforce pre-existing beliefs within those groups, and the network density aids in the enforcement of sanctions against those who deviate from group norms. By contrast, the networks in inclusionary cities are characterized by multiple organizational bridges between immigrant and native-born communities that facilitate the creation of relationships necessary to craft inclusive policies and a sense that local resources can grow with the population. The research suggests that the local laws seeking to drive out undocumented immigrants are an example of a broader category of exclusionary property laws. The linked social and spatial processes involved in the enactment and enforcement of these laws are one way in which categorical inequalities, such as socio-economic disparities by race, ethnicity, immigration status, or gender become embedded in place.

The feminization of Mexican migration to the United States is increasing, and more mothers who migrate leave their children behind for long periods to be cared for by grandparents or relatives in Mexico. Women also form new families when they arrive in the United States, but continue to "care" for the children who stayed in Mexico. We know little about how transnational familial ties across the U.S. -Mexico border influence the educational trajectories of children who stay behind, are born here and are brought over from Mexico. This study asks how Mexican maternal migration has influenced care arrangements and education trajectories of the children in Mexico, comparing these to their siblings who were brought over to America or who were born in the United States. In this dissertation I address how U.S. bound Mexican maternal migration shapes and influences children and youth in both sides of the border. These families, or what refer to "transnational care constellations" include the following types of members: New York based undocumented mothers; the children they brought to the U.S. (also undocumented); their U.S. born offspring (U.S. citizens); children they have left behind in Mexico; and children's caregivers in Mexico. Drawing on ethnographic method I examine transnational caregiving practices among women with children in New York and Mexico. After recruiting twenty families to participate in my study I established three levels of engagement with participants. Eight transnational care constellations constituted the center of my qualitative research. I spent time with them in Mexico and in New York and tracked half of them for over three years. The second level of engagement happened with the other twelve families who I interviewed and observed in New York City, but visited less times in Mexico. Finally, participants who belonged to the third level of engagement were forty mothers in New York City, fathers, caregivers and over sixty children and youth in Mexico who were not matched. In addition I surveyed over 200 children between the ages of seven and sixteen in three schools in Puebla to assess the impacts of maternal remittance on school achievement. Specifically, I compare the educational experiences and social trajectories of three groups of children: the ones left in Mexico, the undocumented children and youth brought to the U.S., and those born in the U.S. The ethnographic core of my dissertation work tracked twenty transnational families who are split between Mexico and the U.S over a period of 18 months. I have traveled back and forth between different states in Mexico and New York in order to capture the dynamism of communities who are "here and there." The children and youth in what I refer to as "care constellation" share the same biological mother who has migrated to New York City, but their lives differ dramatically in terms of academic achievement and familial support.

This dissertation investigated the impacts of regulatory policies on well-being of immigrant families and low-income families, which offers evidence for policymakers to evaluate the necessity of employing harsh measures. In the first paper, I used the nationally representative National Health Interview Survey (2000-2012) to study the health and mental health impacts of local immigration enforcement policies, under Section 287(g) of the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act and the Secure Communities Program. I found some evidence of local immigration enforcement policies negatively impacting the mental health and self-rated health of Latino immigrants. In the second paper, I explored relationships between participation in the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) program and parental investments in children, and how stringencies in state TANF policy requirements impacted the relationships. I used the 2004 and 2008 panels of Survey on Income and Program Participation (SIPP) and found that TANF participation was associated with increased family meal times and decreased incidences of family outings and reading time. TANF participation was not associated with other areas of parenting (e.g., extracurricular activity participation, family rules on watching TV, positive parenting, parenting stress, and parental expectation). Also, stringent state TANF policy characteristics were not associated with negative parenting behaviors. In the last paper, I investigated how the stringencies of state TANF policy were associated with single mothers’ long-term trajectories of welfare use, labor supply, and earned income. I used the 1996, 2001, and 2004 panels of SIPP data (1996-2007), covering the decade following TANF implementation. Findings indicated that stringent state TANF policies were strongly related to single mothers’ lower likelihood to participate in TANF; however, single mothers used other welfare programs (e.g., SNAP and SSI) to the same extent as single mothers living in states with less stringent TANF policies. Also, stringent policies did not lead to higher levels of labor supply or earned income.

Given the growing population of undocumented Latina/o/x immigrants who came to the United States as children, there is a need for research that explores the risk and protective factors of their experiences growing up in the United States. As they transition through adolescence, they emerge as adults in a very different world. No longer protected from deportation, they must take more serious risks with employment. Without access to federal financial aid, they face the reality that they may never be able to utilize their college education in the United States. Against these odds, and with the temporary protection of DACA, an increasing number of undocumented childhood arrivals are civically engaged in the immigrant rights movement. Employing a qualitative method based on constructivist and feminist frameworks called Consensual Qualitative Research, this study sought to explore the impact of activism in Latina/o/x DACAmented immigrants’ thwarted transition to adulthood, highlighting the ways in which Latina/o/x cultural values mitigate the impact of activism. The sample consisted of 12 Latina/o/x DACAmented activists, eight women and four men, ages 18-32, from Mexico (n = 10), Guatemala (n = 1), and Dominican Republic (n = 1). The findings in this study not only suggested that protective migration factors, DACA-related privileges, and strong coping skills contributed to Latina/o/x DACAmented immigrants’ decision to become activists, but they also noted that activism has been a protective factor in and of itself. The results also showed the ways in which Latina/o/x cultural values helped them make sense of their unique experiences and were consistent with the values within their activist communities. Existing clinical recommendations, resources, and research methods were highlighted as ways in which mental health providers can apply these findings in their clinical, training, and research practice.

After the Haitian Revolution (1791–1804), under the leadership of freed Black American-born Prince Saunders, working in conjunction with formerly enslaved revolutionaries, invited some 13,000 free African-Americans to leave the United States to emigrate to world’s first Black republic of Haiti. This migration offered the possibility of economic freedom and a promise/redefinition of the boundaries of citizenship and equality in the Atlantic world. Part I, “Abolitionist Pioneers and Origins,” begins with a summary biography of Prince Saunders and an overview of the world of transatlantic slavery he was born into. Its major context is nineteenth century Anglo-European ideologies of freedom, equality, and citizenship. The dissertation also considers the origins of black revolutionary transnationalism by looking at its early pioneers and the revolutionary processes that widened the scope for the eventual success of antislavery to become an ideology rooted in human rights claims. Chapter 1 explores the late eighteenth century and the first decade of the nineteenth century as crucial periods in which free Blacks in the United States, slaves and freed people in Haiti, and British abolitionists embraced the morality that slavery and racism posed the greatest dangers to a world mired in revolutionary claims to natural rights. Part II, “Ideas and Ideologies,” considers how Saunders worked to frame the legacy of the Haitian Revolution as a democratic project that shaped the ideology of revolutionary transnationalism. In this view, citizenship was defined as unrestricted by national borders. By Saunders disseminating the idea of citizenship as transcending borders, the idea of Haiti became a radically subversive alternate to American citizenship. By propagating such views, Saunders transformed himself into a transcultural, bi-national hybrid American-Haitian, embodying the overall dynamism of black revolutionary transnationalism. Chapters 3 and 4 discuss the fusion of transatlantic abolitionism and Haitian revolutionary ideology into a full-fledged emigration idealism that showcases the operative capacity of Black citizenship. Part III, “The Era of Emigration and Colonization, 1816-1833, in Chapters 5 and 6 respectively grapples with the real consequences of African American emigration to Haiti and Prince Saunders’s legacy. The first wave of emigration from 1816–1826 was followed by a second wave from 1859-1865. In the interim, Blacks debated the relative merits of Haitian emigration versus colonization as a strategy for citizenship. The status of Haiti as a feasible home ebbed and flowed in the minds of Black emigrationists who increasingly viewed West Africa, as well as parts of Latin and South America or Canada, as options for escaping to citizenship. I conclude by exploring these debates for what they tell us about fragmentation and ruptures in the free Black community regarding the best strategies for reform and citizenship beyond the gaining or granting of freedom. It must be noted, however, that in the penultimate conclusion to Prince Saunders’s struggle, the coming of the Civil War and the Reconstruction period thereafter took African Americans away from the meaning and significance of Haiti. Finally, readers will note that each part and chapter of this volume is intended to synchronize with the whole but also stand as single-chapter essays.

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This PhD thesis develops a critical account of discursive practices of bordering in the EUropean migration regime. By articulating recent advances from the fields of Critical Migration and Border Studies and Discourse Studies, it develops a theoretical and methodological framework that enables grasping discursive borders in their heterogeneity. On a broader level, it is interested in re-approaching post-structuralist and materialist strands of theory and analysis by going back to their beginnings in structural Marxism and psychoanalysis. EUrope’s discursive borders are scrutinised through the lens of different contexts that allow emphasising the entangled nature of policy, academic, and activist discourse. First, the present research scrutinises a set of practices of discursive bordering with a relatively high stability over time. Adopting a post-colonial, macro-historical perspective, it shows how EUrope’s colonial history infuses the conceptual apparatus of the EU’s contemporary migration policy. This serves as a foundation for the following chapters, that examine practices of discursive bordering from a micro-enunciative and a situated perspective. While the second analysis focuses on the construction and supraversion of the labour / refugee divide in German discourses on EUropean migration, the third shows how discursive borders are turned into a political stake in a migrant protest. This allows conceiving of categorisation and differentiation as discursive practices that are scattered in time and space, and characterised by resonances, contradictions, and subversions instead of following a common rationality or having a central point of reference.

Moy Hon-man. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (leaf 62). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / Chapter 1 --- Introduction and Literature Review --- p.1 / Chapter 1.1 --- Introduction --- p.1 / Chapter 1.2 --- Literature Review --- p.4 / Chapter 2 --- Non-optimizing Model with Illegal Migrants --- p.9 / Chapter 2.1 --- One-sector Non-optimizing Model --- p.9 / Chapter 2.1.1 --- Illegal Migrants --- p.9 / Chapter 2.1.2 --- Production --- p.10 / Chapter 2.1.3 --- Equilibrium Analysis --- p.11 / Chapter 2.2 --- Two-sector Non-optimizing Model: Illegal Migrants in Consump- tion Sector --- p.12 / Chapter 2.2.1 --- Production --- p.13 / Chapter 2.2.2 --- Total Output and Law of Motion for Capital --- p.14 / Chapter 2.2.3 --- Equilibrium Analysis --- p.15 / Chapter 2.3 --- Two-sector Non-optimizing Model: Illegal Migrants in Invest- ment Sector --- p.17 / Chapter 2.3.1 --- Production --- p.17 / Chapter 2.3.2 --- Total Output and Law of Motion for Capital --- p.18 / Chapter 2.3.3 --- Equilibrium Analysis --- p.18 / Chapter 2.4 --- Two-sector Non-optimizing Model: Illegal Migrants in both Sectors --- p.20 / Chapter 2.4.1 --- Production --- p.20 / Chapter 2.4.2 --- Total Output and Law of Motion for Capital --- p.21 / Chapter 2.4.3 --- Equilibrium Analysis --- p.22 / Chapter 2.5 --- Parameterizing the Two-sector Non-optimizing Models --- p.24 / Chapter 2.6 --- Simulation Results: Two-sector Non-optimizing Models --- p.25 / Chapter 3 --- One-sector Optimizing Model with Illegal Migrants --- p.28 / Chapter 3.1 --- One-sector Optimizing Model with Exogenous Wage --- p.28 / Chapter 3.1.1 --- Production --- p.28 / Chapter 3.1.2 --- The Maximization Problem --- p.29 / Chapter 3.2 --- One-sector Optimizing Model with Endogenous Wage: The Hazari Sgro Model with Illegal Migrants --- p.32 / Chapter 3.2.1 --- The Basic Structure --- p.32 / Chapter 3.2.2 --- Equilibrium Analysis --- p.34 / Chapter 3.2.3 --- Parameterizing the Model --- p.36 / Chapter 4 --- Two-sector Optimizing Model with Illegal Migrants --- p.38 / Chapter 4.1 --- Two-sector Optimizing Model with Exogenous Wage: Illegal Migrants in Consumption Sector --- p.38 / Chapter 4.1.1 --- Production --- p.38 / Chapter 4.1.2 --- The Maximization Problem --- p.39 / Chapter 4.2 --- Two-sector Optimizing Model with Exogenous Wage: Illegal Mi- grants in Investment Sector --- p.42 / Chapter 4.2.1 --- Production --- p.42 / Chapter 4.2.2 --- The Maximization Problem --- p.43 / Chapter 4.3 --- Two-sector Optimizing Model with Exogenous Wage: Illegal Mi- grants in both Sectors --- p.45 / Chapter 4.3.1 --- Production --- p.46 / Chapter 4.3.2 --- The Maximization Problem --- p.46 / Chapter 4.4 --- Analytical Insights --- p.49 / Chapter 4.5 --- Two-sector Optimizing Model with Endogenous Wage: Illegal Migrants in Consumption Sector --- p.50 / Chapter 4.6 --- Two-sector Optimizing Model with Endogenous Wage: Illegal Migrants in Investment Sector --- p.52 / Chapter 4.7 --- Two-sector Optimizing Model with Endogenous Wage: Illegal Migrants in both Sectors --- p.53 / Chapter 4.8 --- Parameterizing the Models --- p.55 / Chapter 4.9 --- Simulation Results --- p.55 / Chapter 4.9.1 --- Simulation Results: Two-sector Optimizing Model with Exogenous Wage --- p.55 / Chapter 4.9.2 --- Simulation Results: Two-sector Optimizing Model with Endogenous Wage --- p.57 / Chapter 5 --- Concluding Remarks --- p.60 / Figures and Tables --- p.64

In this research I explore artivist performance proposals that lead to an analysis of the spectator position intrinsic to the spectatorial, as a construction linked to colonial discourses of otherness. This investigation presents the encountering processes of the transnational troupe of La Pocha Nostra and the Puerto Rican persona of Freddie Mercado with their respective spectators, where local-global constructs of coloniality become unveiled, made and unmade spectacle through their re-reproduction of otherness. Side by side with performance art-life, I explore the deconstruction and de-linking possibilities of the spectatorial taking the work of these artists to build and develop the dilemmas and alternatives presented. From these complex hyper-othering performance practices I research the social implications on the spectatorial at a local and global level. The artistic proposals discussed are focused under the decolonial lens and researched as practices that make possible the co-creation of decolonial relationalities. I focus in the trans-possibility these ‘other’ encounters produce and are produced by. This work inserts the issue of the spectator within broader social concerns and it is under this umbrella that the ‘question’ of the Other arises within the mechanisms of the modern spectacle. These artistic practices exert diverse tactics that directly imply the figure of the spectator within this social configuration.