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In 1994 Ethiopia introduced a federal system of government as a national level approach to intra-state conflict management. Homogenisation of cultures and languages by the earlier regimes led to the emergence of ethno-national movements and civil wars that culminated in the collapse of the unitary state in 1991. For this reason, the federal system that recognises ethnic groups¿ rights is the first step in transforming the structural causes of civil wars in Ethiopia. Against this background this research examines whether the federal arrangement has created an enabling environment in managing conflicts in the country. To understand this problematic, the thesis conceptualises and analyses federalism and conflict management using a qualitative research design based on in-depth interviewing and content-based thematic analysis ¿ taking the case study of the Benishangul-Gumuz regional state. The findings of the study demonstrate that different factors hinder the federal process. First, the constitutional focus on ethnic groups¿ rights has led, in practice, to lessened attention to citizenship and minority rights protection in the regional states. Second, the federal process encourages ethnic-based elite groups to compete in controlling regional and local state powers and resources. This has greatly contributed to the emergence of ethnic-based violent conflicts, hostile intergovernmental relationships and lack of law and order along the common borders of the regional states. Third, the centralised policy and decision making process of the ruling party has hindered genuine democratic participation of citizens and self-determination of the ethnic groups. This undermines the capacity of the regional states and makes the federal structure vulnerable to the dynamics of political change. The conflicts in Benishangul-Gumuz emanate from these causes, but lack of territorial land use rights of the indigenous people and lack of proportional political representation of the non-indigenous people are the principal manifestations. The research concludes by identifying the issues that determine the sustainability of the federal structure. Some of them include: making constitutional amendments which consider citizenship rights and minority rights protection; enhancing the democratic participation of citizens by developing the capacities of the regional states and correcting the organisational weakness of the multi-national political parties; encouraging co-operative intergovernmental relationships, and maintaining the territorial land use rights of the Benishangul-Gumuz indigenous people. / Addis Ababa University

This paper represents the root causes of Hazaras persecution in Afghanistan through ethno-religious and psycho-cultural approaches, using Protracted Social Conflicts (PSC) and Relative Deprivation (RD) frameworks. The Hazara community has been subject to persecution in variety of ways including assassinations, physical torture, enslavement, forced displacement, kidnapping, and target attacks by both state and non-state actors. This study explored multifrontal causes consisting international connection, structural inequalities, communal cleavages, access to economy and power, and interpersonal and ingroup values contributed to Hazaras persecution in Afghanistan. This study argues that the excessive persecution and discrimination against Hazara community was founded, particularly by Abdul Rahman in 1890s which shaped the ethno-religious and psycho-cultural approaches of Hazaras afterward. The ethno-religious and psycho-cultural approaches led the common thinking against Hazaras in the form of wrong identification, wrong myths, false consciousness, and ill-definition of Hazaras as monolithic Shi’as who have consistently been labelled as “Kafirs,” unbeliever, and decedents of Genghis Khan. The persecution of Hazaras can be studied through the lens of PSC, manifests the longstanding inter-state and intra-state conflicts, and RD depicts comparison of disadvantagedness of an individual or a group with other individuals and groups.

Yes / A new legal framework has been developed in Great Britain over the last ten years which protects individuals against unfair treatment on the grounds of their religion or belief. This framework regards all the major faith groups, secular belief systems (such as Humanism or Atheism), and non-belief on formally equal terms. There has also been a rapid growth of research interest in religion/belief in contemporary scholarship on equalities. This report provides a critical overview of this extensive research base relating mainly to England, Scotland and Wales up until 2008.

En 2010, les Ivoiriens organisaient une élection présidentielle au sortir d’une décennie de guerre civile. Depuis lors, ces élections défraient la chronique, en raison de leur issue critique : crise postélectorale meurtrière en 2011, réconciliation nationale poussive et, depuis 2016, mutineries dans les rangs d’une armée composite et de transition. La présente étude considère ces élections ivoiriennes de 2010 comme un objet d’étude scientifique et se consacre à la communication politique de campagne de trois « grands candidats » : Henri Konan Bédié du Parti Démocratique de Côte d’Ivoire (PDCI), Laurent Gbagbo de la Majorité Présidentielle (LMP) et Alassane Ouattara du Rassemblement Des Républicains (RDR). L’objectif scientifique est ici de déterminer les différents axes de communication partisane, qui éclairent le profil sociopolitique et le comportement de l’électeur ivoirien aux présidentielle de 2010. Plus spécifiquement, nos investigations sont consacrées, d’une part, à la détermination de l’électorat ivoirien dans sa composition sociale, politique et culturelle, mais aussi psychosociologique. Cet électorat est ici défini en termes d’intentions de vote, ou de motivation à voter pour tel ou tel candidat. D’autre part sont observés les moyens de communication utilisés par ces candidats majeurs qui deviennent des points structurants du champ politique ivoirien en s’endossant aux partis mandataires. Dans cette confrontation électorale pour capturer la majorité des voix interfèrent des représentations et des imaginaires politiques très marqués, qui consacrent ces candidats en challengers de la vie politique nationale et des sondages du moment. Ces enjeux affectent et différencient les stratégies de communication politique de campagne, que la thèse analyse en collectant les données et les ressources qui les influencent en sourdine et structurent autant les discours que les pratiques médiatiques des candidats étudiés. En clair, le contexte électoral de 2010 et ses déterminants sociohistoriques forgent les stratégies de communication et le comportement médiatique des candidats majeurs. / At the end of the year 2010, the Ivorians organized a presidential election after a decade of civil war. Since then, these elections are still in the news because of their critical outcome: murderous post-electoral crisis in 2011, complicated national reconciliation and, since the year 2016, mutinies in the ranks of a composite and transitional army. This study considers the Ivorian presidential elections of 2010 as a social sciences study subject and is devoted to the political campaign communication of three "great candidates" : Henri Konan Bédié of the Democratic Party of Côte d'Ivoire (PDCI), Laurent Gbagbo of the Presidential Majority (LMP) and Alassane Ouattara of the Rally of Republicans (RDR). The scientific purpose here is to determine the different axes of partisan communication, which illuminate the socio-political profile and behavior of the Ivorian voter in the 2010 presidential election. More specifically, our investigations are devoted, on the one hand, to the determination of the Ivorian electorate in its social, political and cultural composition, but also psycho-sociological dimension. This electorate is here defined in terms of voting intentions, or motivation to vote for a particular candidate. On the other hand are observed the means of communication used by these major candidates who become structuring points of the Ivorian political field by endorsing the mandatory parties. In this electoral confrontation to capture the majority of voices, the study shows how interfere a very strong political representations and imaginings, which consecrate these candidates into challengers of national political life and polls of the moment. These issues affect and differentiate campaign political communication strategies, which the thesis analyzes by collecting data and resources that influence them below and structure both the speeches and the media practices of the candidates studied. Clearly, the electoral context of 2010 and its sociohistorical determinants forge communication strategies and the media behavior of major candidates.

L’objet de cette thèse en science politique est de dégager, à partir de l’histoire politique du Rwanda et de ses influences ou relations extérieures africaines et internationales (notamment avec le Burundi, la RD du Congo, l’Ouganda, l’Allemagne, la Belgique, la France, le Royaume-Uni, les États-Unis, l’ONU, l’UE, l’UA), les causes de l’effondrement de l’État rwandais (lors du génocide de 1994) et les pistes de solutions qui pourraient aider à sa reconstruction et/ou reconstitution. Cela pourrait aussi servir d’exemple à d’autres pays (notamment d’Afrique, d’Asie et d’Amérique latine) qui utilisent l’appartenance ethno-raciale et/ou régionale de la population, la mobilisation des gens sur base de leurs identités réelles ou supposées, la politisation des races ou des différences, la racialisation de la politique, le copinage politique ou tout simplement les ‘’voies négatives’’ de l’ethnopolitique comme fondement intellectuel ou label idéologique du pouvoir. Une réponse durable aux sanglants affrontements et aux crises politiques incessantes qui agitent le Rwanda et le Burundi pourrait être un projet politique autre qu’ethno-racial (basé plutôt sur la paix, la démocratie et le développement humain), la séparation géographique de type "Hutuland" et "Tutsiland" « par des moyens pacifiques et par voie d'accord », (selon les accords d'Helsinki de 1975 de l’OSCE dans le prolongement de la Charte de l’ONU sur le droit des peuples à disposer d’eux-mêmes de 1945, art.1 et de 1966, art.1) dans le scénario de l’ancien Ruanda-Urundi, mais avec chacun une seule communauté, et l’intégration régionale à l’instar de l’Union européenne, tout en respectant le droit international. / The purpose of this PhD thesis in political science is to pinpoint, based on the political history of Rwanda and its external influences or relations at african and international level (particularly with Burundi, the DR of Congo, Uganda, Germany, Belgium, France, the United Kingdom, the United States, the UN, the EU and the AU), the causes of the collapse of the Rwandan state (during the 1994 genocide) and the potential solutions that could help to rebuild and/or reform it. This could also serve as an example to other countries (particularly those in Africa, Asia and Latin America), which use the ethno-racial and/or regional affiliation of the population, the mobilization of people based on their real or supposed identities, the politicization of races or differences, racialization of politics, political cronyism or quite simply the “negative ways” of ethnopolitics as an intellectual basis or ideological label of power. A sustainable response to the bloody conflicts and endless political crises afflicting Rwanda and Burundi could be a political project rather than an ethno-racial one (based more on peace, democracy and human development), geographical separation in the style of "Hutuland" and "Tutsiland" “by peaceful means and through agreement” (according to the 1975 Helsinki Accords of the OSCE in the extension of the UN Charter on the right of peoples to self-determination in 1945, Art.1 and 1966, Art.1) in the setting of the former Ruanda-Urundi, but each with a separate community and regional integration in a manner similar to that of the European Union, while respecting international law.

In my dissertation, I explore social strategies that Peruvian subalterns have developed to survive against racism and discrimination. I have identified and coined one of these strategies as etnovaivén (ethno-sway), which I define as a pendulum-like approach that allows subalterns to swing/sway from blanqueamiento to cholificación, and vice versa. In this context, blanqueamiento (whitening) mainly refers to the subaltern's willingness and efforts to assimilate the white culture in order achieve upward social mobility, whereas cholificación depicts the reluctance of Indian and mestizo subalterns to assimilate the cultural norms of the dominant group in certain circumstances, while asserting their own ethnic identity. Conversely, etnobúmeran (ethno-boomerang) is a self-inflicted boycott to one’s own ethnic groups. I claim that Peruvian subalterns shape their cultural singularity between ethno-sway and ethno-boomerang. My research has examined these social phenomena as reflected in the Inca Garcilaso de la Vega’s Comentarios reales (1609), Clorinda Matto de Turner’s Aves sin nido (1889), and Enrique López Albújar’s Matalaché (1928). In addition, in La ciudad y los perros (1963) by Mario Vargas Llosa, Montacerdos (1981) by Cronwell Jara, La violencia del tiempo (1991) by Miguel Gutiérrez, and Hienas en la niebla (2010) by Juan Morillo, I have analyzed the historical connection between miscegenation, discrimination, inequality and violence, which progressively led to the Internal Conflict (1980-2000), the goriest and longest war in Peru’s republican history that resulted in the assassination of approximately 70 000 persons, most of them Quechua-speaking, ordinary civilians. Highlanders fleeing from terrorism during those two decades account for the depopulation of over 2/3 of the Andean region. This study is both relevant and pertinent because it intersects with contemporary debates about national identity formation, and because it provides a means to understand the aftermath of political violence, a phenomenon that periodically threatens the lives of Peruvians. My work contests the traditional thesis of racial and cultural miscegenation as the foundation of Peruvian national identity (the "melting pot" metaphor), which has proven to be ineffective. Instead, I propose a more inclusive identity concept that celebrates cultural diversity and accepts the coexistence of multiple ethnic and cultural groups within the confines of the nation.

A Bruxelles comme dans d’autres contextes régionaux et nationaux, de nombreux professionnels et spécialistes présentent les notions de discrimination et de diversité dans le domaine de l’emploi comme « les deux faces d’une même pièce » : au dépassement de la première répondrait l’avènement de la seconde. Considérant ce discours comme problématique, nous retraçons dans notre thèse l’émergence et le développement de l’action publique bruxelloise de lutte contre les discriminationsethno-raciales et de promotion de la diversité en matière d’emploi, depuis la fin des années 1990. Dans une perspective qualitative, nous analysons les conditions d’élaboration et de mise en oeuvre de cette action publique régionale, en prêtant une attention particulière aux pratiques des acteurs et aux effets concrets des dispositifs (en particulier le « Plan de diversité »). Au-delà du caractère éduisant et consensuel de la notion de diversité, nous montrons que les interventions qui s’en réclament tendent à perdre de vue le problème des discriminations ethno-raciales en matière d’emploi, qu’elles devaient pourtant contribuer à réduire. Les entreprises privées peuvent ne pas voir l’utilité ni la pertinence des « bonnes pratiques » de gestion des ressources humaines promues dans ce cadre. Et même lorsque les pratiques managériales évoluent, cela n’a pas forcément d’effet en matière de recrutement ou de reconnaissance symbolique des minorités ethno-raciales. / In Brussels as in many other regional and national contexts, discrimination and diversity are often described as “two sides of the same coin”, diversity being thought of as a solution to discrimination. We question this argument in our doctoral dissertation and examine how authorities in the Brussels region implemented a new public policy to tackle discrimination and promote diversity since the end of the 1990s. We analyse in a qualitative perspective how measures and instruments were designed and brought into action. In particular, we focus on social practices and also on the practical effects of the policy instruments mobilized in this context (especially the “Diversity plan”). The seducing notionof diversity seems to produce consensus, but we also show that it often leads to losing sight of the discrimination problem. Furthermore, public authorities promote “best practices” to improve diversity in the workplace, but these are not always considered useful nor relevant by private companies. Even when changes appear to happen in management practices, we observe a limited impact on ecruitmentand also on symbolic recognition of ethno-racial minorities.

In 1994 Ethiopia introduced a federal system of government as a national level approach to intra-state conflict management. Homogenisation of cultures and languages by the earlier regimes led to the emergence of ethno-national movements and civil wars that culminated in the collapse of the unitary state in 1991. For this reason, the federal system that recognises ethnic groups' rights is the first step in transforming the structural causes of civil wars in Ethiopia. Against this background this research examines whether the federal arrangement has created an enabling environment in managing conflicts in the country. To understand this problematic, the thesis conceptualises and analyses federalism and conflict management using a qualitative research design based on in-depth interviewing and content-based thematic analysis - taking the case study of the Benishangul-Gumuz regional state. The findings of the study demonstrate that different factors hinder the federal process. First, the constitutional focus on ethnic groups' rights has led, in practice, to lessened attention to citizenship and minority rights protection in the regional states. Second, the federal process encourages ethnic-based elite groups to compete in controlling regional and local state powers and resources. This has greatly contributed to the emergence of ethnic-based violent conflicts, hostile intergovernmental relationships and lack of law and order along the common borders of the regional states. Third, the centralised policy and decision making process of the ruling party has hindered genuine democratic participation of citizens and self-determination of the ethnic groups. This undermines the capacity of the regional states and makes the federal structure vulnerable to the dynamics of political change. The conflicts in Benishangul-Gumuz emanate from these causes, but lack of territorial land use rights of the indigenous people and lack of proportional political representation of the non-indigenous people are the principal manifestations. The research concludes by identifying the issues that determine the sustainability of the federal structure. Some of them include: making constitutional amendments which consider citizenship rights and minority rights protection; enhancing the democratic participation of citizens by developing the capacities of the regional states and correcting the organisational weakness of the multi-national political parties; encouraging co-operative intergovernmental relationships, and maintaining the territorial land use rights of the Benishangul-Gumuz indigenous people.

Le Corrector sive Medicus est un pénitentiel rédigé par Burchard, évêque de Worms (1000-1025). Il s’agit d’un manuel destiné à guider les confesseurs lors de l’administration du sacrement de pénitence. Intégré dans le Decretum, l’œuvre majeure de Burchard, il compte parmis les pénitentiels les plus illustres. Il contient notamment un questionnaire très élaboré sur les péchés commis par les fidèles. Les 194 questions du Corrector sive Medicus constituent l’objet d’étude de ce mémoire. Entre le VIIe et le XIIe siècle, les pénitentiels forment une longue tradition littéraire où les textes se répètent constamment. Le questionnaire du Corrector sive Medicus se distingue du fait qu’il est rédigé en grande partie par Burchard lui-même. Les détails précis sur les survivances païennes et la religion populaire que l’évêque introduit dans son pénitentiel permettent, comme aucune autre source de la période, une analyse ethno-historique de la culture germanique. La première partie du mémoire est consacrée à la présentation du Corrector sive Medicus : j’y décris d’abord le contexte historique et biographique de l’œuvre, puis discute d’une herméneutique littéraire, pour enfin proposer une synthèse diachronique des traditions germaniques. La deuxième partie offre, pour la première fois en français, la traduction intégrale du questionnaire de Burchard, accompagnée de commentaires sur différents sujets ou problèmes soulevés par le texte, notamment ceux qui concernent la culture germanique. Finalement sont placés en annexe quelques documents qui témoignent, tout comme le Corrector sive Medicus, d’un syncrétisme religieux profondément enraciné dans les mœurs des Germains. / The Corrector sive Medicus is a penitential written by Burchard, the bishop of Worms (1000-1025). It is a book used by confessors to guide them when they must administer the Sacrament of Penance. It has been fully integrated into Burchard's greatest work, the Decretum, and is amongst the most complete of the known penitentials. It is mainly composed of an elaborate set of questions about the sins committed by the Church's followers. This thesis' subject matter regards the Corrector sive Medicus' 194 questions. Between the seventh and the twelfth century, penitentials were a literary tradition where texts were continuously reused. The Corrector sive Medicus' series of questions distinguishes itself from this because it mainly originates from Burchard himself. He introduces in his penitential precise details about pagan survivals and the popular religion that allow, more than any literary source of the time, an ethnohistorical analysis of Germanic culture. The first section of this thesis is dedicated to presenting the Corrector sive Medicus. I first describe the historical and biographical context surrounding its creation, then explain my method of analysis for the penitential, and finally propose a diachronic summary of Germanic traditions. The second section offers, for the first time in French, a complete translation of Burchard's series of questions, as well as comments pertaining to different themes or problems raised by it, most notably those concerning Germanic culture. Finally, some documents are appended to this thesis that show, similarly to the Corrector sive Medicus, a deeply rooted religious syncretism.