Feminist rhetorics need to move us from inclusion to transformation: instead of "including" more and more marginalized groups into the scholarly status quo, or "including" comics into methods of analysis that we already use, we need to transform our practices themselves. Seeing comics research as an expedition into comics doesn't work. The spatial metaphor is failing because it's analogous to a takeover in the colonial sense. I center the both/and experience of being a producer of comics and analyst of them. Drawing from a critical reading of my own comic, I describe "the disobedient how," a way of learning from transgressive models. I argue that instead of "collecting" comics, decolonial feminist methodology asks that we "attend" comics through listening, experiencing, and having a relationship with them and their creators. As Shawn Wilson's work suggests, knowledge lies in relationships. I use this concept to guide an analysis of Lynda Barry's recent comics work as well as her comments during a panel at the Comics: Philosophy and Practice conference. In order for academics to have true knowledge about Barry's work, we must have a right relationship to her and to it, which requires decolonizing our relationship to texts and taking Barry's comics seriously as sources of theory. Next, I argue for scholars to pay closer attention to Alison Bechdel's comics beyond their engagement with her memoir, Fun Home. I describe her participation in queer rhetoric through a close reading of her comic strip Dykes To Watch Out For and her public discussion of her composing practices. Finally, I perform a retrospective of the history of my own comic book, Oh Shit, I'm in Grad School, drawing on (and developing documentation for) personal archives. / Ph. D.

Chen Yang. / "August 2004." / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2004. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 359-378). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, MI : ProQuest Information and Learning Company, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Mode of access: World Wide Web. / Abstracts in English and Chinese.

This study on feminism is a study aimed at understanding a reality within feminism (suburban feminism) in the suburbs of Gothenburg and the underlying factors that contribute to the emergence of this new phenomenon, and why women in the suburbs relate to as an alternative social tool in the quest for better social standings. The research was focused on the 2 major issues and they were (1) the effect of intersectionality on feminism in the suburbs and (2), the effect of internal factors like culture and religion on feminism in the suburbs. Intersectional analysis in my study partly explained the emergence of this new phenomenon (suburban feminism) as a reality within feminism. Cultural shock experienced by the immigrant women when they come Sweden explained also the relevance of cultural polarisation as a factor in the emergence of suburban feminism. The research was done through the qualitative research methods among the immigrant populations living in the suburbs of Gothenburg. The primary research material was the respondent’s experiences and answers to a variety of questions. With the help of several respondents and earlier research done on feminism in the suburbs shows how suburban feminism as a phenomenon emerges and takes shape among the immigrant populations and how this kind of feminism emerges out of the daily challenges ranging from intersectionality, socio-economic setups and several other aspects the respondents refer to as cultural shock between different cultures that have converged in the suburbs. In general, suburban feminism is a phenomenon that emerged out of several factors that range most of them intended for the furtherance and empowerment of women in all spheres of life. The respondent’s answers to the questions fielded in this study together with the earlier research done on feminism and equality in Sweden formed the bedrock on which the study is anchored on. Suburban feminism in my study is a product of social construction different from feminism anchored on theories and this becomes more evident from the answers of my respondents in their understanding of feminism.

In the year of 2014, the new Swedish government declared itself as the world’s first feminist government. This thesis aims to study the Swedish foreign policy and thus to investigate if the declared feminist foreign policy has resulted in a changed foreign policy. By using two feminist theories; radical feminism and liberal feminism, the study’spurpose is to do a critical comparison between the governmental administration of Fredrik Reinfeldt in the years of 2010-2014, with the administration of Stefan Löfven between 2014-2018. After a recently finished first term of the feminist policy, the subject of this study is interesting in the perspective of evaluation. To investigate if the policy by fact has changed, a qualitative textual analysis will be used. Further, to analyze the foreign policy, foreign declarations from all years between 2011-2018 will constitute the material. In summary, the result demonstrates that a change in policy has appeared and can further be ascertained. Both administrations show clear features of liberal feminism. However, during the last term, between 2014-2018, the governmental policy has shown tendencies of more radical feminist elements. Although the world’s first feministgovernment has received great attention, the future of the feminist foreign policy is still indeterminate.

The Victorian era paved the way for the emancipation of the modern British woman. The women who fought for the parliamentary vote, especially those who were imprisoned and experienced the torture of forcible feeding, eventually won their cause. Women who opposed enfranchisement did so for their own reasons. Both sides of the suffrage campaign claimed the majority was on their side and struggled to prove it. This thesis argues that those women who opposed were a subaltern group and compares them with the colonised subjects of the British Empire. The emancipation of women ran against the interests of the state which treated the cause as an insurgent movement. The political leaders spared no effort to thwart the liberation of women and the middle-and upper-class Anti-Suffrage women sided with ruling class interests. This work divides women into three sub-sections; resistance, colonised public and collaborators. Eliza Lynn Linton, Flora Shaw, Janet Hogarth and Gertrude Bell are well known middle-class Victorian women for whom the emancipation was of more benefit than opposition. The study throws a fresh look at these women by tying the notion of the collaborative elite with the State's exploitation of the intellectual subaltern. Linton, Shaw, Hogarth and Bell are studied in detail as case studies for this theory. Through the textual analysis of selected works, published articles, public and private correspondence, available diaries, biographies and autobiographies it emerges that although these women were ardent 'Antis' in public they were feminists in private. The thesis explains the reasons behind their public opposition to the emancipation of women.

This dissertation contributes to the discipline by demonstrating successful and productive incorporation of feminist research methods and methodologies in rhetorical studies and the application of the rhetorical arts to feminist projects. Specifically this dissertation examines the history of state-sanctioned marriage in the US and its contribution to normative discourses of family that problematically inform public policies and mainstream arguments directed at some working and parenting women struggling to care for their families and provide for them economically. Through feminist rhetorical analyses of congressional testimony on welfare; feminist rhetorics on women, work, family, and economics; and narratives of women's lived experiences derived from an interview-based study, this project renders visible and disrupts mechanizations of privilege and oppression deployed through hegemonic discourses on marriage and family. It concludes that feminist rhetorical scholars are uniquely trained and therefore called upon to address inequities promulgated through national attachment to state-sanctioned marriage and normative models of family.

Thesis (M.A.)(Hons)--University of Western Sydney, Nepean, 1995. / Contains slides with print copy. Includes bibliography.

Submitted by Fabio Sobreira Campos da Costa (fabio.sobreira@ufpe.br) on 2016-05-09T14:06:54Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) Dissertação Suely Oliveira Mestrado 10.12.pdf: 1455767 bytes, checksum: ea56d4426651e4053c81cfd67fed0273 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-05-09T14:06:54Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) Dissertação Suely Oliveira Mestrado 10.12.pdf: 1455767 bytes, checksum: ea56d4426651e4053c81cfd67fed0273 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-02-27 / Esta dissertação de mestrado tem como objetivo analisar as condições materiais e simbólicas que levaram grupos organizados de mulheres feministas à institucionalização no âmbito do Estado e/ou governo no Brasil nas décadas de 1970 e 1980. Adotamos como base o entendimento do feminismo como uma prática e pensamento crítico – é uma prática política e um pensamento com suas ideias, teorias e posições políticas – que critica a ordem como o mundo está organizado (ÁVILA, 2013). Argumentamos que o movimento feminista brasileiro não somente propôs, criou, idealizou organismos, serviços e equipamentos públicos. Ele foi, paulatinamente, para dentro dos três níveis de governo, a partir dos anos oitenta, passando a partícipe e a executar, ele mesmo, as políticas públicas. Metodologia - Trata-se de um estudo de base qualitativa, no qual foram realizadas seis entrevistas semi-estruturadas com mulheres feministas: a) Que vivenciaram os primeiros momentos de institucionalização nos governos; b) Que entraram nos governos (ou defenderam que as feministas tomassem parte nos governos); feministas que estiveram contra por um determinado período e depois entraram nos governos. A caracterização inicial do problema é feita a partir do marco conceitual de gênero que dialoga com teóricas feministas e se organiza em três eixos, a saber: 1) o conceito de patriarcado; 2) o sistema sexo-gênero e, 3) o conceito de feminismo de Estado. Como metodologia de análise nos inspiramos na técnica de análise de conteúdo temático-categorial de Laurence Bardin (2000). Resultados - Em linhas gerais, as análises do material apontam que o que inaugura a relação institucionalizada do movimento feminista com o Estado é a criação dos conselhos de direitos para as mulheres; que o feminismo está influenciando transformações no aparelho do Estado, ainda que seja no contexto de um Estado patriarcal. / This mastership dissertation aims to analyse the material and symbolic contidions that lead organized groups of feminist women to institutionalisation in the scope of the State and/or governments in 1970´s and 1980´s Brazil. We adopted as basis the understanding of feminism as a praxis and a critical thinking - it is a political praxis and a thought with its ideas, theories and political positions - which criticizes the disposition the world is organized (ÁVILA, 2013). We maintain that the brazilian feminist movement not only proposed, created, idealized organisms, services and public equipament. It went slowly within the three levels of government, from the 1980´s on, becoming a main participant and executing, the movement itself, the public policies. Methodology - this is a study of qualitative basis, in which six semi-structured interviews have been carried through with feminist women: a) That have experienced the first moments of government institutionalisation; b) That took part in governments (or that deffended that feminists should take part on the governments); feminists that were against their participation but later took part in governments. The initial characterization of the problem is held on the conceptual mark of gender that dialogues with feminists theorists and that is organized in three axis, namely: 1) the concept of patriarchate; 2) the system sex-gender and, 3) the concept of State feminism. As methodology of analysis we were inspired by Laurence Bardin´s (2000) technique of analysis of the thematic-categorial content. Results - Conscisely, the analysis of the material indicates that the creation of the council for women´s rights has inaugurated the institutionalised relationship between the feminist movement and the State; that feminism is influencing transformations in the State institutions, although it is still the context of a patriarchal State.

The purpose of the study was to analyse and compare the current Swedish socialist government, which have declared themselves as the first feminist government, with the previous non- socialist government. This is to see if, and if so how, the current government’s policies regarding gender differ from the former government’s policies. This paper has analysed both governments using different feminist theoretical approaches to see which of the perspectives characterize the government’s policies regarding gender, and if there has been a shift towards any of the perspectives. The three feminist theoretical perspectives used were liberal feminism, socialist feminism and postmodern feminism. The method used was an idea analysis, and ideal types of the three theoretical feminist perspectives as the analytical instrument. The material contains public texts released by the governments. The result of the study showed that the government’s policies regarding gender are highly similar and that their policies can be related mainly to the liberal- and socialist feminist perspectives. The result also showed that there has not been a shift towards any of the perspectives since the current government was elected, although only the current government could be related, to a small extent, to postmodern feminism.

Fictions written between 1939 and 2005 by indigenous and white (post)colonial women writers who emerge from an African/European cultural experience form the focus of this study. Their voyages into the European diasporic space in Africa within the context of their texts are important since they speak of how African women's literature develops from, and is situated in relation to colonialism. African literature constitutes one facet of the new literatures in English from formerly colonised countries. However, the accomplishments of indigenous writer Grace Ogot are eclipsed by the critical acclaim received by her male counterparts, whilst Elspeth Huxley, Barbara Kimenye and Marjorie Oludhe Macgoye, who emanate from Western culture but adopt an African perspective, are not accommodated by the `expatriate literature' genre. Hence, indigenous and white (post)colonial women's narratives by authors issuing from an African/European cultural experience are brought together to foreground European influence as an apparent phenomenon common to both categorieso f writers, with consequencesfo r the representation of gender, identity, culture and the `Other'. The selected texts are set in Kenya and Uganda, and a main concern is with the extent to which the works are impacted upon by setting and intercultural influences. However, this thesis argues that the `African' woman's creation of textuality is at once the formulation and expression of female individualities and a transgression of boundaries. Furthermore, Kimenye and Macgoye's children's literature illustrates the representation and configuration of a voice and identity for the female `Other' and writer, which enables a re-negotiation of identity and subsequently a crossing of borders. No critical study combines indigenous and white settler women's fiction written from an African perspective and therefore this study extends current scholarly knowledge. Whilst the combination of texts together with the disparate (post)colonial backgrounds is unique, the study of Kimenye and Macgoye's African children's narratives in particular breaks new ground since there is currently no critical comparative study pertaining to indigenous and white postcolonial women's children's literature with an African perspective