Deictic shift theory (DST) was developed as a model of the construction and comprehension of all types of fictional narrative. With respect to the participant structures of texts, however, DST researchers have focused their attention on deictic shifts in third-person narratives, leaving first-person narratives unanalyzed from this theoretical perspective. As a result, DST in its present form does not adequately account for the variety of manipulations of a range of perspectives that may be achieved in first-person narratives. Nor has DST been systematically applied to texts whose participant structures undergo extensive reorganization as the result of a surprise ending or other narrative twist. By analyzing the deictic and referring expressions that create the participant structure of Chuck Palahniuks novel Fight Club, this thesis tests DSTs potential to account for authors and readers cognitive experiences of first-person narratives with plot twists. The analysis establishes a wider range of linguistic cues that may affect readers mental representations of characters. It identifies interactions between elements in the participant structure, including those that permit the representation of non-narrating characters subjective perspectives, as well as the linguistic features that enable these interactions. The thesis examines the effects of an authors violations of traditional narrative perspective constraints, and it underscores the importance, especially in DST-motivated analyses, of recognizing the potential for interplay between general narrative constraints and the narrative structure of a specific text. The thesis revises DSTs account of the nature and extent of deictic shifts in first-person narratives and describes the role deictic shifts play in fictional narratives that contain plot twists.

The purpose of this thesis is to critically analyze masculinity portrayals in film at the turn of the Twenty-First Century. Specifically, the films Fight Club and American Beauty are analyzed to determine how these films define masculinity and render the ideal male. This analysis finds that the portrayal of men in these films closely matches the perception of a masculinity crisis. The films also offer a solution to the crisis that follows the philosophical theories suggested by Friedrich Nietzsche. It is concluded that masculinity is a social construction that needs new ideals and definitions to more accurately fit the environment of American men in the new century. / Department of Telecommunications

In our daily lives we all experience forms of stress and as humans, we are equipped with internal mechanisms to react to the phenomenon. We utilize tactics that are recognised as `fight or flight' depending upon how we perceive the threat and we employ them accordingly. However, when we are unable to meet the challenges placed upon us, when they form a barrier to our achievement and progress, we become overwhelmed and are susceptible to the detrimental effects of stress. The past two decades have witnessed rapid technological advances and we are thus connected to a global set of networks. Education has had to change in order to compete with a global market that requires new skills. Teaching and what teachers do have come under scrutiny in terms of audit to ensure that a `World-Class' education system is being delivered. As a result there has been an increase in teacher workload and the profession has become re-defined in order to meet contemporary needs. Recent research by government led bodies supports the need to address teacher workload as a major cause of stress. One result has seen the development of the Workload Agreement (2003) aimed at easing the ever-increasing demands placed upon teachers. Whether this measure will be enough to address the difficulties surrounding teaching in a post-modern society remains to be seen. This inquiry focuses on teachers who have experienced work place stress which is a widely recognised phenomenon and has its own particular features. In revealing key issues surrounding teachers and their workload this study aims to uncover the particular features of teacher stress with specific emphasis on role, role conflict, change, management issues, age and workload. Furthermore the study hopes to expose how teacher's lives are changed as a result of their encounter with stress. The harrowing nature of the participants' stress narratives compelled me to chronicle the stories and unveil the impact of their experiences upon all aspects of their lives. Employing methods associated with the case study approach, I conducted unstructured interviews with eight participants. Each person provided me with stories that are narratives of their stress experiences. The nature of this work is grounded in the qualitative paradigm and I have approached this from an interpretative stance. I believe my study confirms issues surrounding teacher workload and teacher stress merits inquiry.

Este trabalho visa contribuir com os estudos semióticos, analisando a estrutura e o funcionamento do discurso das duas organizações mais importantes da esquerda armada brasileira nas décadas de 1960 e 1970, a Ação Libertadora Nacional (ALN) e a Vanguarda Popular Revolucionária (VPR), à luz dos conceitos retóricos de éthos e páthos. No contexto da ditadura brasileira e sob a influência de acontecimentos como a Guerra do Vietnam e a Revolução Cubana, entre outros, uma parcela da esquerda decidiu-se pela revolução, formando grupos militantes para lutar contra o governo. Esses grupos, que atuaram no Brasil entre 1968 e 1973, foram massacrados pelo regime militar, grande parte dos combatentes sendo assassinada e os sobreviventes passando por tortura, prisão, clandestinidade e exílio. No intuito de compreender a opção pela luta armada, bem como os valores e os impulsos de mobilização desses indivíduos, realizamos uma análise comparativa dos elementos éticos e passionais em documentos deixados pela ALN e pela VPR, com base nos princípios teórico-metodológicos da semiótica discursiva de linha francesa. A abordagem da noção de ator da enunciação e, em particular, da idéia de éthos e de páthos, a partir da perspectiva semiótica, revelou semelhanças e diferenças entre os discursos da ALN e da VPR, fundadas essencialmente nos aspectos passionais. / This doctoral thesis is intended to contribute to the field of semiotic studies by examining the discoursive structure of texts of the two most important Brazilian armed left-wing organizations in the 1960s and 1970s, namely the Ação Libertadora Nacional [National Liberty Action] (ALN) and the Vanguarda Popular Revolucionária [Popular Revolutionary Avant-Garde] (VPR), in the light of the rhetorical concepts of éthos and páthos. In the context of the dictatorial period in Brazil, and influenced by the ideals of the Vietnam War and the Cuban Revolution, amongst other events, left-wing militants decided in favour of the revolution, by forming armed groups to fight against the government. These groups, in activity in Brazil in the period between 1968 and 1973, were eventually massacred by military regime, the majority of the combatants being murdered and those who survived suffering torture, living clandestinely, or sent to prison or into exile. Aiming at an understanding of the option for the armed fight as well as of the values and mobilizing impulse of these individuals, we comparatively analysed ethical and passion elements in documents in the ALN\'s and the VPR\'s respective archives, according to the theoretical-methodological principles of French discoursive semiotics. The approach of the notion of enunciation actor and particularly of the concepts of éthos and páthos, from a semiotic perspective, revealed similarities and differences in the discourses of the ALN and the VPR, based essentially on passion aspects.

Is corruption a circumstantial problem or is it really rooted in the Peruvian society? Why does Criminal Law should take action against corrupt acts? How is corruption perceived from the point of view of the Peruvian Judicial Power?These and other issues are answered by the interviewed, from her experience as judge and as officer in charge of the fight against corruption in Peru. / ¿La corrupción es un problema coyuntural o está realmente arraigada en la sociedad peruana? ¿Por qué el Derecho Penal debe intervenir ante los actos de corrupción? ¿Cómo se percibe la corrupción desde el Poder Judicial?Estas y otras cuestiones son respondidas por la entrevistada, desde su experiencia como jueza y de funcionaria encargada de la lucha contra la corrupción en el país.

Evidence suggests that both the BIS and the BAS play a role in the individual differences seen in social anxiety disorder; however, findings concerning the role of the BAS have been mixed. To date, the role of RST subsystems underlying social anxiety has been measured with outdated scales. This study addressed this issue by using a measure purpose-built for the revised RST. The current study was able to replicate past findings that the BAS is differentially related to social interaction anxiety and social observation anxiety (Kimbrel et al., 2010; Kimbrel et al., 2012). While using a newer measure based on the revised RST; however, results indicated that BAS sensitivity related to both subdimensions of social anxiety. In addition, findings indicate that the RST systems remain good predictors of social anxiety symptoms even after accounting for the influence of levels of positive and negative affect. Implications and future directions are discussed.

Submitted by Jordan (jordanbiblio@gmail.com) on 2017-06-19T14:51:51Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DISS_2015_Juliana Cristina da Rosa.pdf: 57231391 bytes, checksum: b61b3fc7326049ae73411fbfc273c56e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Jordan (jordanbiblio@gmail.com) on 2017-06-20T14:10:08Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DISS_2015_Juliana Cristina da Rosa.pdf: 57231391 bytes, checksum: b61b3fc7326049ae73411fbfc273c56e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-20T14:10:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DISS_2015_Juliana Cristina da Rosa.pdf: 57231391 bytes, checksum: b61b3fc7326049ae73411fbfc273c56e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-05-15 / CAPES / O Araguaia mato-grossense fez parte da Amazônia Legal e concebida como área de expansão econômica sobre territórios considerados “vazios” por parte do planejamento de governos, sobretudo no período de Regime Militar. No entanto, sendo fronteira o Araguaia mato-grossense é o lugar de alteridade e conflito entre populações existentes que tinham domínio da terra de trabalho e migrantes que passam a tomar posse e adquirir na forma de propriedades ou terra de negócio. O encontro de diferentes agentes sócio-históricos como indígenas, posseiros, peões, grileiros, empresários, fazendeiros, comerciantes, militantes e outros e que são protagonistas da luta pela terra. Nessa região, o caso analisado envolve uma parcela dos indígenas Xavante e posseiros da Suiá e seus aliados na luta pela terra Marãiwatsédé. A origem do conflito remete-se ao processo de compra de parte do território, no qual viviam grupos da etnia Xavante, de 695 mil ha pela empresa agropecuária Suiá Missú em meados da década de 1960. A consolidação do empreendimento agropecuário resulta na deportação dos Xavante em 1966. O ano de 1992 é o ano dos grandes acontecimentos: ocorreu a devolução da área remanescente de 195 mil ha por parte da empresa estatal italiana ENI Agip Petroli aos Xavante durante a Rio 92, e no mesmo ano, políticos locais organizaram e incentivaram uma invasão da área remanescente da Suiá Missú, atraindo tanto posseiros interessados na terra para morar e plantar, como de grileiros e comerciantes de terras. A Agip do Brasil, filial brasileira da empresa, discordou da devolução e criou estratégias para vender a área remanescente da então agropecuária Suiá para que supostamente fosse realizada uma regularização fundiária através de compra de títulos ou do direito de posse. Ainda em 1992, um laudo antropológico delimitou a área que seria devolvida aos Xavante, tornou-se um instrumento de luta por ser produzido a partir da versão da história dos indígenas, através da memória do lugar como arma na luta pela terra de Marãiwatsédé. Paralelamente, os posseiros da Suiá adotaram como local de resistência o distrito do Posto da Mata, se organizaram politicamente por meio de uma associação denominada APROSUM e intensificaram a luta através de batalhas jurídicas, batalha de peritos e a batalha midiática, que” forneceram “armas” e possibilitaram a construção histórica e social de um acontecimento monstro que foi a desintrusão ocorrida em 2012. Os principais acontecimentos que entrecruzam o processo de luta pela terra de Marãiwatsédé tem como sistema de referência a concepção de terra como propriedade privada destinada ao aproveitamento econômico e fonte de desenvolvimento regional. Essa referência aparece em discursos na reunião da invasão em 1992 e nas narrativas da mídia local na desintrusão de 2012. A devolução da terra aos Xavante em 1992 e a desintrusão dos posseiros em 2012 tem como base a concepção de território tradicionalmente ocupado colocados na Constituição de 1988. Portanto, a luta pela terra Marãiwatsédé é uma luta entre diferentes concepções de uso da terra. / The Araguaia was part of the Amazon and conceived as economic expansion area on territories considered "empty" by the planning of governments, particularly in the military regime period. However, being the border Araguaia is the place of otherness and conflict between existing populations that had the field of employment land and migrants who come to take hold and get in the form of property or land deal. The meeting of different socio-historical agents as Indians, settlers, pedestrians, squatters, entrepreneurs, farmers, traders , activists and others and are protagonists of the struggle for land. In this region, the case analyzed involves a portion of the Xavante Indians and settlers of Suiá and their allies in Marãiwatsédé land. The origin of the conflict refers to the part of the buying process of the territory in which they lived groups of Xavante ethnicity, 695,000 ha by agricultural company Suiá Missú in the mid of 1960. The consolidation of the agricultural enterprise results in the deportation of Xavante in 1966. the year 1992 is the year of great events: was the return of the remaining area of 195,000 ha by the Italian company ENI Agip Petroli state to Xavante during Rio 92, and the same year, local politicians organized and encouraged a remaining area of the invasion of Suiá Missú, attracting both squatters interested in the land to live and grow, as squatters and land traders. Brazil Agip, the Brazilian subsidiary of the company disagreed with the return and created strategies to sell the remaining area of the then agricultural Suiá for a land regularization supposed to be held by purchase of securities or ownership rights. In 1992, an anthropological report delimited the area that would be returned to the Xavante, it has become an instrument of struggle to be produced from the version of the story of the natives, through the memory of the place as a weapon in the struggle for land Marãiwatsédé. In parallel, the squatters of Suiá adopted as resistance spot the Distrito Posto da Mata , organized themselves politically through an association called APROSUM and intensified the struggle through legal battles , experts battle and the media battle, which provided "weapons" and enabled the social and historical construction of a monster event which was the non-intrusion occurred in 2012. The main events that crisscross the process of struggle for Marãiwatsédé of land has as reference system the conception of land as private property intended for economic use and source of regional development. This reference appears in speeches at the meeting of the invasion in 1992 and the narratives of local media in the 2012 nonintrusion. The return of land to the Xavante in 1992 and the non-intrusion of squatters in 2012 is based on the concept of territory traditionally occupied placed in the Constitution of 1988. Therefore, the struggle for land Marãiwatsédé is a struggle between different land use concepts.

La corruption affecte tous les secteurs de la vie de la société, aussi bien le secteur public, le secteur privé que le secteur politique. Compte tenu de la spécificité de chacun de ces domaines, elle acquiert ses caractéristiques et prend différentes formes (publique, privée et politique). La transparence, couplée à la responsabilisation "accountability"), agit en tant qu'instrument de prévention ainsi que de répression de la corruption, en exposant les actes des agents au public et en mettant en évidence les faits de corruption. La transparence, de cette manière, poursuit la corruption partout où elle existe indépendamment de sa forme. Ainsi, dans la lutte contre la corruption, en agissant comme une antithèse, elle joue le rôle de l'«antiforme» de la corruption, sa forme s'adaptant aux différentes formes de corruption qu'elle combat. Pourtant, la transparence n'est pas une solution miracle et a un rôle spécifique et limité dans la lutte contre la corruption. Elle doit être complétée par des mesures comme l'incrimination, le contrôle externe et interne, la prévention des conflits d'intérêt etc. Le Conseil de l'Europe, l'institution dont le but est la promotion de la démocratie, considère également la transparence comme un élément crucial de la prévention et de la lutte contre la corruption. Pourtant, ni le Conseil, ni aucune autre organisation internationale, ne détermine les critères de la transparence. Il existe même une confusion entre la notion de transparence et d'autres notions voisines. Toutefois, le Conseil a pu imposer aux États membres certaines mesures qui, sans être désignées expressément comme telles, relèvent de la transparence; ces mesures ont été exigées de manière spontanée, et formulées au cas par cas selon la nécessité des États. Pour déterminer l'étendue des actions du Conseil, il était nécessaire de définir non seulement les formes, mais également le contenu de la transparence. Ses trois composantes sont l'accessibilité, la communication et l'ouverture. Les actions du Conseil ne sont pas développées de la même manière concernant tous les domaines de la transparence. Si elles sont développées en matière politique et peu nombreuses en matière privée, les réglementations restent partielles et sont toujours en phase d'évolution concernant les volets administratif, judiciaire ou législatif. Les actions du Conseil ne couvrent pas non plus la totalité des actes de la transparence. Si elles sont plus développées en ce qui concerne l'accessibilité, la sensibilisation ou le signalement, elles restent en phase d'évolution concernant la communication et l'ouverture. Certaines des lacunes découlent de la spécificité de la mission du Conseil de l'Europe qui, ayant pour but la promotion de la démocratie, est avant tout une organisation politique. Dans les cas où le Conseil de l'Europe a fixé des exigences pour la transparence, il a mis en place des mécanismes de suivi par le biais de son institution spécialisée - le GRECO - pour s'assurer de la bonne mise en œuvre de ces exigences. La pratique du GRECO a eu un impact considérable sur le renforcement et l'harmonisation des législations nationales. Toutefois, elle s'est trouvée limitée par l'approche pratique de cette institution ainsi que par les réticences des États dans la mise en œuvre de ses recommandations. / Corruption affects all the sectors of society, both the public, private and the political sectors, Given the specificity of each of these areas, it acquires its characteristics and takes different forms (public, private and political). Transparency, coupled with accountability, acts as a means of prevention and repression of corruption. Transparency in this way pursues corruption wherever it exists independently of its form. Acting as an antithesis, it plays the role of "antiform" of corruption, its shape adapting to different forms of corruption that it fights. However. transparency is not a miracle solution and has a specific and limited role in the fight against corruption. It must be complemented by measures such as criminalization, external and internal control, prevention of conflicts of interest etc. The Council of Europe, the institution whose purpose is to promote democracy, considers also transparency as a crucial element in the prevention and the fight against corruption. However, neither the Council nor any other international organization, determines determines the criteria of transparency. There is even confusion between the notion of transparency and other related concepts. However, the Council could impose measures on Member States which, without being specifically designated as such, are the transparency measures; these measures were required in a spontaneous manner. and made on a case by case basis according to the need of States. To determine the extent of the Council's actions, it was necessary to define not only the forms but also the content of the transparency, Its three components are accessibility, communication and openness. Council's actions are not developed in the same way in all the areas of transparency. For cases where the Council of Europe set requirements for transparency, it put in place mechanisms to monitor through its specialized agency - GRECO - to ensure the proper implementation of these requirements. GRECO's practice had a significant impact on the strengthening and harmonization of national legislations. However. it has been limited by the practical approach of this institution as well as the reluctance of States in the implementation of its recommendations.

Submitted by Liliane Ferreira (ljuvencia30@gmail.com) on 2018-10-11T10:36:18Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Everton Lamare Costa Melo e Silva - 2018.pdf: 1416707 bytes, checksum: 0138d60b779968c1690b3eb4bb0cd65f (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2018-10-15T10:57:37Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Everton Lamare Costa Melo e Silva - 2018.pdf: 1416707 bytes, checksum: 0138d60b779968c1690b3eb4bb0cd65f (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-10-15T10:57:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Everton Lamare Costa Melo e Silva - 2018.pdf: 1416707 bytes, checksum: 0138d60b779968c1690b3eb4bb0cd65f (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-08-08 / This dissertation is the result of a journey of surprises and restlessness that began even during the accomplishment of my undergraduate course in Physical Education and extended to the master's degree in Social Anthropology, both undertaken in Universidade Federal de Goiás (UFG). Its main objectives are: to establish an analysis of the degree curriculum in Physical Education on the basis of decolonial and postcolonial criticisms, questioning the eurocentric epistemological foundations of hegemonic thought, as well as evaluate the possible progress made in the documents and in the practice of teaching of the Faculdade de Educação Física e Dança (FEFD) of UFG, that make it possible to reformulate these epistemological basis in a democratic and decolonized way. The methodology used for this purpose relies primarily on a literature review of the Class Political Proposals of three reference universities: UNICAMP (SP), UnB (DF) and ESEFFEGO (GO), together with UFG, from the manifest speeches in their curriculum of degree in Physical Education, and, later, with a participant observation carried out in the Fight class of FEFD-UFG, for a period of six months (duration of the class). / Esta dissertação é o resultado de uma jornada de surpresas e inquietações que se iniciaram ainda durante a realização do meu curso de graduação em Educação Física e se estenderam até o mestrado em Antropologia Social, ambos empreendidos na Universidade Federal de Goiás (UFG). Seus principais objetivos são: estabelecer uma análise do currículo de licenciatura em Educação Física a partir das críticas decoloniais e pós-coloniais, questionando as bases epistemológicas eurocêntricas do pensamento hegemônico, bem como avaliar os possíveis avanços expressos nos documentos e na prática de ensino da Faculdade de Educação Física e Dança (FEFD) da UFG, que possibilitem reformular essas bases epistemológicas de forma democrática e descolonizada. A metodologia utilizada para tal fim, conta, primeiramente, com uma revisão bibliográfica das Propostas Políticas de Curso de três Universidades de referência: UNICAMP (SP), UnB (DF) e ESEFFEGO (GO), juntamente com a UFG, a partir dos discursos manifestos em seus currículos de licenciatura em Educação Física, e, posteriormente, com uma observação participante realizada no curso de Lutas da FEFD-UFG, por um período de seis meses (tempo de duração do curso).

Made available in DSpace on 2014-07-29T15:14:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese - Os donos da terra.pdf: 2826545 bytes, checksum: 768af26667c343642bffd0163f76f1e6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-10-31 / In the decade of 1950 and in the first half of 1960, the middle north of Goiás was a place where occurred many fights for the land. This work seeks to discuss one of those movements which became known as the squatting fight of Trombas and Formoso. In this work it went through the various stages of that fight and it is analysed how in the process of the land dispute the squatting consolidated a group and created a common notion about the right to the land. In Trombas, the fight for the land made a group and conceived a solidarity which was mediated by the experience of the exploration lived by the peasants in the former period to their displacement for that small village of the north of Goiás. In that fight was also present the Brazilian Communist Party that by the very particular condition of its militants who were in Trombas was responsible for the consolidation of an alliance with the peasant ,structured in the claim for the land and in the consolidation of an autonomy of the movement. This work seeks to contribute with the debate on the border expansion and the capacity that the process had in Brazil to create spaces of dispute for the land by which groups and different interests were contended. / Na década de 1950 e na primeira metade de 1960, o médio norte do Estado de Goiás foi o espaço onde ocorreram várias lutas por terra. Esta tese procura discutir um destes movimentos, que ficou conhecido como a luta dos posseiros de Trombas e Formoso. Neste trabalho, percorrem-se as várias fases desta luta e analisa-se como, no processo de disputa pela terra, os posseiros foram consolidando um grupo e criando uma noção comum sobre o direito à terra. Em Trombas, a luta pela terra forjou um grupo e construiu uma solidariedade, que foi mediada pela experiência de exploração vivenciada pelos camponeses, no período anterior ao seu deslocamento para aquela pequena vila do norte goiano. Nesta luta, também esteve presente o Partido Comunista Brasileiro que, pelas condições muito particulares de seus militantes, que estiveram em Trombas, foi responsável pela consolidação de uma aliança com o camponês, estruturada na reivindicação pela terra e na consolidação de uma autonomia do movimento. Este trabalho pretende dar uma contribuição ao debate sobre a expansão da fronteira e a capacidade que este processo teve no Brasil de criar espaços de disputa pela terra, na qual se debateram grupos e interesses diferenciados.