Freedom of the press in Thailand fluctuates greatly, depending upon the government in each period. Newspapers have been suppressed since the monarchy political system was changed to democracy in 1932. Several kinds of suppression were imposed in each period which showed that the country, in reality, was under a military dictatorship. This study is a summary of the government control of the press since 1932. The study was divided into five chapters, including the introduction, background of the press and politics in Thailand, style and characteristics of Thai newspapers, government control from 1932 to 1963, and the conclusions and recommendations for further study.

The researcher attempts to assess in which respect the privacy of former President Kgalema Motlanthe may have been invaded during his presidency, in view of journalistic ethics and press codes currently in effect. The study will explore media practices based on media freedom at the time of publication, and assess whether this freedom is understood to suggest the infringement of the right to privacy in the coverage of the private lives of politicians in the media. This study will therefore examine a sample of articles from the Sunday Times, City Press and Mail and Guardian, covering former President Kgalema Motlanthe’s public behaviour that related to his private life, assess which aspects of his demeanour became the subject of media coverage, and correlate such reporting trends with fluctuations in his political career. The researcher will focus on the period when Kgalema Motlanthe was at the helm as the Head of State – from October 2008 to April 2009, and consider particularly the trends in the sampled press reports regarding his private life. The study furthermore examines some of the legislative and normative changes that affected the media in South Africa after democratisation, to correlate the trends observed in the press coverage with legislation. This further serves to identify possible gray areas that arise from reporting on the freedom of the press and may lead to the invasion of privacy.

The central question in this thesis is what are the interrelationships between the news media and those at the center of power and how do these shape the role the media play in democratic processes, particularly since neoliberal reforms in 1991. More specifically, this research attempts to illuminate journalistic practice and the factors that influence it, at the intersection of political and economic interests in what is often described as a crony capitalist polity (Kohli, 2007; Varshney, 2000). This has been done by examining three case studies that represented the interests of those at the center of power and the growing collusion between the state and private capital that has been a mark of the polity's neoliberal turn (Chandrashekhar, 2014). Each of these - the Nira Radia conversations that exposed the nexus between private capital and the state, the news media's coverage of the political elite, mainly the Gandhi family and the leader of the Hindu majoritarian political party Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), Narendra Modi, and lastly, the media's coverage of India's richest business house Reliance Industries Limited (RIL) and its owner Mukesh Ambani - was marked by extensive self-censorship by the national mainstream news media. The theoretical architecture underpinning this project draws on three major approaches - political economy, field theory and new institutional theory provides a framework sufficiently sensitive to the range of pressures and influences journalism is subject to. This research draws on forty semi-structured, in-depth interviews with forty journalists and editors who were directly involved in the editorial processes of each of these news stories. The salient finding of this project is that the field of journalism has been subject to regular incursions from the field of power, particularly when political and economic interests are aligned, such that the field of journalism collapses in the field of power resulting in the need to reassess Bourdieu's claim that fields, however heteronomous, possess a degree of autonomy. This research finds that journalism is not merely embedded in the field of power, it plays a more pernicious role after economic liberalization. It becomes an active participant in negotiating and consolidating the dominant coalition of economic and political interests on which the polity rests. In other words, it is recruited by the field of power in institutionalizing crony capitalism. However, the self-censorship could not be sustained and unraveled, albeit briefly, in each of these cases. Contradictions between the macro forces induced by the consolidation of democracy, dissensus within the elite and constitutional limits circumscribing power are some of the variables that allow for interstices of journalistic autonomy. Thus, new institutionalism's insistence on retaining the political elided by both political economy and field theory, is valuable. Lastly, this research foregrounds the role played by journalistic agency in upholding the democratic mission of journalism.

This thesis will explore the media's increasing impact on the criminal court system, specifically through prejudicial publicity given to criminal trials. In our society, the primary responsibility for gathering and disseminating information rests on the media. The media, consisting primarily of television and written publications, feel that they have a duty to provide citizens with important information about the community and the world. While the media have traditionally gathered news for informational purposes, they also provide news coverage of people and events for entertainment value. This is accomplished by focusing on the out-of-the ordinary and on stories of intrigue that capture the public's fancy. The media's desire to inform and entertain has carried over into the legal process, specifically the criminal court system. The media are typically drawn to cases that either provide a shocking, outrageous storyline, or that have a high-profile, famous defendant. The media love to exploit criminal trials for the suspense, drama, and sensationalism that they produce, as the viewing audience is longing for inside gossip and pure outrageousness. However, the media have the capability of publicizing a case beyond just mere hype, essentially turning the trial into a "media circus." Concerns arise when media outlets release prejudicial information before the case has been tried in front of the trier-of- fact, the jury. If the potential jurors consume this prejudicial, often-times inadmissible, information, then this increases the chances that jurors will pre-form opinions as to the guilt or innocence of the defendant prior to hearing the in-court evidence. If this occurs, the defendant's Sixth Amendment right to a fair trial by an impartial jury is in serious jeopardy. The media's First Amendment rights of free speech and press, coupled with a presumed right of access to criminal proceedings, lie in direct conflict with the defendant's Sixth Amendment due process rights. Exactly how courts go about balancing these rights delineated by the United States Constitution is still not definitive. The media feel that they can publicize criminal trials in any way they deem appropriate, while defendants argue that the jury pool is tainted by the media's coverage of the case. This prevents a truly unbiased jury from being chosen. Because of these constitutional issues, the United States Supreme Court has seen fit to enter the media publicity debate. While not providing, any definitive rules on when media publicity violates a defendant's Sixth Amendment's rights, the members of the Court have provided some recommendations and direction on these issues. When a case arouses the interest of media outlets nationally and internationally, the primary focus turns to the jury pool. Since jurors are seen as the trial participants most influenced by the media coverage, methods to keep the jury from being exposed to prejudicial pretrial publicity are utilized. At times, a skillfully and thoroughly conducted voir dire can find jurors unexposed to media coverage about the case. The judge's role has expanded in recent years as the media have become more pervasive in the criminal court system. The judge is responsible for supervising the media and for making sure that they do not infringe on the defendant's Sixth Amendment right to a fair trial by an impartial jury. To accomplish this duty, the trial judge has a number of mechanisms that he or she can employ against the media in order to ensure that a fair and unbiased jury is chosen for the case. However, these mechanisms are loathed by media outlets as they assert that these tools violate their First Amendment rights. Attorneys have been impacted by the media; however this relationship is unique in that it is a reciprocal one. The media publicize the trial of the attorney's client. In turn, the attorney uses this publicity as a weapon to advocate his or her client's case and proclaim guilt or innocence. Concerns about these extrajudicial statements arise when attorneys themselves release prejudicial information through the media to the representative community from which the jury will be chosen. As a result, the American Bar Association and various states have enacted rules designed to limit attorney speech so as to prevent any possibility of prejudice to the defendant in his or her trial. Indeed, the media have become more pervasive in the criminal court system, projecting events to the world as they happen. The coverage also tends to focus on the entertainment value of the case, releasing details that play on the viewer's emotions. However, an aggressive media impacts the due process rights of the accused, thus harming the search for justice. These are all issues and concerns that would not have arisen in this context, but-for the media's continuing impact on the criminal justice system.

The problem of the study was to analyze conditions of the South African press, including effects of apartheid legislation on the free flow of information. The method of research was mail questionnaire to editors of twenty-two South African daily newspapers. The study showed that the South African press is restricted by legislation and additional laws are expected. Other information from the study includes the following: at least four main laws impede the free flow of information; the press has ready access to government officials; Die Burger and The Star are considered the most influential newspapers; and Prime Minister Vorster's recent advice that the press "put your house in order" seems aimed largely at key English-language newspapers.

No description available.

by Yu Ding-bor. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1981. / Bibliography: leaves 98-104.

羅國森. / 本論文於1997年12月31日呈交. / 論文(哲學碩士)--香港中文大學, 1998. / 參考文獻: leaves 64-69. / 中英文摘要. / Luo Guosen. / Chapter 1. --- 研究問題 --- p.5 / Chapter 2. --- 文獻回顧 --- p.8 / Chapter 3. --- 理論框架 --- p.14 / Chapter 3.1 --- 新聞審查與自我審查的形成 --- p.16 / Chapter 3.2 --- 新聞審查與自我審查的關係 --- p.17 / Chapter 4. --- 研究方法 --- p.20 / Chapter 4.1 --- 從旁觀察 --- p.20 / Chapter 4.2 --- 文獻分析 --- p.21 / Chapter 4.3 --- 深度訪問 --- p.21 / Chapter 5. --- 研究結果 --- p.23 / Chapter 5.1 --- 新聞審查與自我審查的現況 --- p.24 / Chapter 5.2 --- 新聞審查與自我審查的分佈 --- p.28 / Chapter 5.3 --- 新聞審查與自我審查的表現形式 --- p.33 / Chapter 5.4 --- 新聞審查與自我審查的催化劑 --- p.37 / Chapter 5.4.1 --- 倚重單一廣告來源 --- p.37 / Chapter 5.4.2 --- 弱勢報紙的困局 --- p.41 / Chapter 5.5 --- 單一廣告商的力量 --- p.45 / Chapter 5.6 --- 中方的影響 --- p.50 / Chapter 6 --- 與前瞻 --- p.55 / Chapter 6.1 --- 自我審查的誘因 --- p.57 / Chapter 6.1.1 --- 劃一售價取消 --- p.57 / Chapter 6.1.2 --- 廣告聯盟的形成 --- p.58 / Chapter 6.1.3 --- 商品普及化 --- p.59 / Chapter 6.1.4 --- 其他 --- p.61 / Chapter 6.2 --- 紓解廣告商壓力的可行途徑 --- p.61 / 註釋 --- p.64 / 參考書目(中文） --- p.66 / 參考書目(英文） --- p.68 / 附錄一：深度訪問名單 --- p.70 / 附錄二 ：深度訪問內容 --- p.71 / 附錄三 《明報》「睇樓手冊」樣本 --- p.73

香港主權移交中國以後，傳媒雖維持獨立自主和商業運作的模式，但過往的研究發現，政治力量對新聞的影響越來越大。例如新聞機構對新聞內容施行政治審查和媒體機構老闆及高層接受政治任命。這是否意味香港新聞界正衰失它的獨立性？本文研究香港新聞界的獨立性在1997 年後的政治融合中如何被構成。 / 政治經濟學派和美國組織研究著重新聞界如何抗衡外部對新聞獨立性的影響，但究竟新聞獨立性是什麼？新聞獨立性與專業性之間有何關係？這方面的討論十分缺乏。本文提出以布迪爾〈Pierre Bourdieu〉理論補充對新聞獨立性的理解，並以布迪爾理論為基礎，整理出一個場域理論框架以分析新聞界的獨立性。布迪爾的理論認為新聞獨立性是一個相對的理念，而且會隨著社會變遷而改變。場域理論框架幫助理解外界壓力如何影響新聞獨立性，和解答為何某些記者有較大新聞獨立性。本研究組合了布迪爾的慣習〈habitus〉慨念和根據布廸爾理論而建構的決意〈commitment〉概念來分析不同記者行使不同新聞獨立性的狀況。 / 本研究顯示，由於政治環境的變化，香港新聞界自八十年代起由政黨新聞範式轉換為客觀新聞範式。在1997 年前後，新聞界面臨需要融入新政體的壓力。本文以香港的中國新聞記者為分析個案，檢視政治融合壓力下的新聞報導工作和記者的獨立性有何轉變。本文的研究對象─中國新聞記者〈或稱中國組記者〉是指在香港媒體工作、專職報導中國新聞的香港記者。本研究選擇他們作研究個案是因為他們位處中港融合的前線。本研究共訪問了二十二名記者，另外亦從中國組記者的著作及演講中搜集研究材料。 / 研究發現，香港的中國新聞報導正在「去政治化」。雖然記者察覺到新聞的製作過程存在政治審查，但他們在採訪時選擇配合官方─包括參加由官方安排的採訪團、使用內地媒體的內容和以官方發言作平衡報導。當記者認為自己正在客觀地報導，他們不覺察在政治力量對新聞製作的影響。本文分析記者的工作流程和新聞內容，發現中國新聞的去政治化正侵蝕新聞獨立性。此外，根據記者個人的文化資本和對報導中國的決意程度，本研究將中國組記者分成三類：局外記者、局內記者及共融記者。局外記者抗拒融入中國內地，但不察覺客觀報導包括的政治性。局內記者受他們的文化資本限制，不察覺資料來源和工作流程中存在的政治影響。擁有高文化資本和對聞工作高度投入的共融記者，由於對新聞工作有所反思，建立了一套對抗政治限制的報導策略，亦令他們能維持較高獨立性。 / Studies show that there has been an increase in political influence on the news media in Hong Kong during national reintegration. Although Hong Kong media has appeared to retain much of its autonomy and seems to continue to exercise control over its commercial media system to a large extent, the Chinese State has been active in co-opting media owners and senior management, and there have been some instances of political censorship within media organizations. Does this imply the loss of professional autonomy in the Hong Kong journalistic field? This study sets out to examine the constitution of journalistic autonomy during the period of national reintegration in Hong Kong. / Theoretically, this study enriches the understandings on journalistic autonomy by bringing in Bourdieu’s theory of field. Political economists and American organizational studies both place stress on resisting the influences of political and economic forces on journalistic autonomy. But is autonomy only defined by resistance? Journalists commonly believe that journalistic professionalism can help them to retain autonomy. But professionalism does not necessarily bring autonomy. This study incorporates Bourdieu’s field theory to understand journalistic autonomy as it helps to understand autonomy as a relative concept. Also, Bourdieu’s concept of field and habitus can help us to understand not only the interaction between the journalistic field and other fields and how that constitutes the degree of autonomy, but also to consider autonomy on an individual level ─ the autonomy that individual journalists can achieve. Based on Bourdieu’s theory of field, a field-analytic model of journalistic autonomy is constructed. Especially, this study integrates Bourdieu’s concept of habitus and the concept of commitment developed from Bourdieu’ theory to understand the degree of autonomy that journalists can achieve in their work. With these ideas, a new entry point into the study of journalistic autonomy in social change is opened. / This study finds that since the 1980s, Hong Kong’s journalistic field has shifted from partisan journalism to objective journalism in order to resist the turbulent political environment. In recent years, research on the Hong Kong news media has documented the threat to journalistic autonomy from pro-China political power. The present study chooses to focus on the China-beat reporters as a case study to examine the constitution of journalistic autonomy through an analysis of journalistic practice. China-beat journalists are the journalists who report on China for the Hong Kong media. The reason for focusing on China-beat journalists in this study is that they are at the frontier of the battlefield between the journalistic field and the political field. For this research, I conducted in-depth interviews with twenty-two journalists, and examined books and public talks related to China reporting. / Findings of this study reveal the de-politicization of China reporting. Though journalists are aware of the censorship on reporting, they are co-opted into the institutionalization of the Chinese State by joining official press tours, sourcing from Mainland media outlets and official press conferences, and balancing their reports with interviews with government spokespersons. While journalists perceive these practices as exercising objective reporting, they are unconscious of the political power embedded in these interactions. The de-politicization of China reporting in recent years reflects the erosion of autonomy as many journalistic practices are aligned with political power, and this is reflected in the news content. This study finds that journalists’ cultural capital and commitment in the field constitute different form of journalistic autonomy. According to these two criteria, China-beat journalists are categorized into three types: Detached journalists, Attached journalists, and Synthesized journalists. The labels describe their cultural and emotional attachment in between Hong Kong and Mainland China. Detached journalists resist integration with China but neglect the blind spot of the political character of objective journalism. Attached journalists’ career paths are constrained by their cultural capital, and they fail to see the political forces embedded in news sourcing and journalistic practice. The high cultural capital and commitment of Synthesized journalists help them to be reflexive in journalistic work, which helps them to articulate their own autonomy and gain skills to resist the growing domination of political forces in the journalistic field. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Tsui, Yuen Sze. / Thesis (Ph.D.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2014. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 183-194). / Abstracts also in Chinese; includes Chinese.

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