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During the last decade, a number of U.S. government officials have been using modern technology, such as personal email accounts and computers, to evade certain transparency legislation. Similar tendencies of strategic evasiveness can also be identified in Sweden. By comparing U.S. and Swedish history, legislation, and specific modern examples, I reach the conclusion that with regards to governmental accountability, modern technology presents both positive and negative aspects. While modern technology gives government officials a way of preventing sensitive or embarrassing information to be released, or otherwise further a hidden political agenda, it also provides private organizations and individuals with various ways of keeping government accountable. In order to minimize the negative effects, issues such as incentive structures, technological boundaries, court review, and the general scope of government need to be considered.

The experience of opposition between what could be contained in my internal world, and what I wanted freedom from containing while a client in counselling led to the conception of this research. Containment and freedom seemed to form a polarity (Jung 1961; 1969) in that each notion became as necessary as the other. Clients who became participants were in counselling with other counsellors and were asked to keep journals on their thoughts and feelings after counselling sessions and these formed the data for the study. My interest in poetry guided this process as the journals were created by short phrases forming each line and this seemed to influence the writing and analytic process. The journals produced by the participants encouraged the original heuristic (Moustakas 1990) design to surrender the richness that was hidden within it as it became a narrative inquiry. Containment, freedom and the possible polarity between them are investigated as constructs of emotional opposition experienced by the client. The construct and categories which emerge from the data suggest aspects of containment and freedom that demonstrate how emotional movement may occur within the participants through the opposition between containment and freedom. The data also seems to image established theory within the journal stories. A relationship between poetry and the counselling experience is drawn together within the research process as the unconscious and the use of metaphor seem to elicit the discovery of the self. My experiences of personal life events that impact upon the study are held alongside the project as such experiences and the research develop my voice which is relevant to the process and outcome of the work.

This diploma thesis deals with freedom of speech and its limits. Freedom of speech as the fundamental right which is necessary to proper functioning of a democratic state where the law rules. In this regard the freedom of speech has to be protected properly. Protection in Czech legal order is entrusted with the legal regulation of the major legal force, part of constitutional order, "Charter of fundamental Rights and Basic Freedoms". Freedom of speech as we know it today, was expressed after the Second World War as a prevention of similarly devastating conflict in the future. Certain desire for the free dissemination of ideas we can see in a deep histor when firs attemps of gaining freedom of speech was closely connected to religion. In the 19th century, when the freedom of denomination has found its stable place in the statutes of the most European countries, the freedom of speech has become to be undestood in connection to the freedom of the press, that was the only communicatory media. During the 20th century, when the humankind all over the world witnessed the appalling horror of wars the strict protection od human rights became necessary. For this purpose first international organizations were estabilished and in their scope was formulated first indexes of human rights. The formulation of fundamental...

Coercion and repressive legislation are widely recognised measures employed by hybrid regimes as a way of stifling the media. This thesis illustrates the long shadow cast by these measures by examining the impact of transgressions on self-censorship among Ugandan journalists, and how these are weighed against their notion of professionalism. Self- censorship is experienced as an unwanted, but vital practice that moves in tandem with the level of political tension, being an extraordinary rather than general measure. The study was conducted in the summer of 2016, founded by a Minor Field Study scholarship from the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (SIDA).

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of the Witwatersrand, Faculty of Commerce, Law and Management, School of Law, 2013. / Conflicts of rights involving the freedom of religion should be approached on the basis of a close examination of the proper competence of law and religions. This examination begins by asking what questions law and religion are best suited to answer in a post theocratic age that views constitutional laws as operating under and within the conditions of diversity and pluralism. An analysis of religious employer exemption cases in two jurisdictions, South Africa and Canada, shows that certain contemporary “liberal” approaches fail to accord sufficient respect to associational diversity. An historical view of the relationship between law and religion, reviewing both “the goods of religion” and “the limits of law” suggests that contemporary liberalism tends to diminish the role of religions and religious associations giving too much power to the State and/or the Courts with a corresponding failure to let religions play the role within culture that their proper jurisdictions, correctly understood, admit and that an open culture requires. The analysis shows that the Canadian and South African courts have, in some cases, explicitly but more often implicitly, stepped into the role of answering metaphysical, philosophical and theological questions for which they are not suited. This problem -- erroneous jurisdictional extension by law -- is the use of law by equality activists who wish to force homogeneous conceptions such as “equality” or “non-discrimination” on all aspects of society, including religious associations, irrespective of whether those subordinate groups should be accorded the respect entailed by the principle of diversity- - a respect already allowed for in the laws related to religious employer exemptions. The arguments defending these practices inappropriately extend the ambit of law into theology and therefore away from its proper role as recognized within history, sociology, anthropology, psychology and theology. Moreover, they take liberal theory in an illiberal direction - a direction that should be rejected in favour of a conception of deep diversity. It is concluded that with a legal presumption in favour of associational diversity and the use, in adjudication of rights conflicts, of the “oculus” (that is, explicitly seeing issues that involve religious associations from the perspective of the religious association) a fairer treatment of diversity and difference can occur in constitutional democracies. An approach to rights adjudication based on this presumption and informed by this attitude will promote greater diversity and better “fit” with the principles of “pluralism”, “multiculturalism”, “diversity” and “accommodation” that underlie the modus vivendi rather than a “convergence” approach to liberalism and accord better with constitutional rights and freedoms taken as a whole.

"The scope of this paper will cover the organization of the schools in relation to educating for democracy. The organization and functioning of the schools as they relate to the freedom of the teacher will be shown. This paper is concerned with the problems of the elementary school, rather than the secondary schools or college, in all sections of the United States"--Introduction. / Typescript. / "Nov. 7, 1946." / "Submitted to the Graduate Committee of the Florida State College for Women in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts under Plan II." / Includes bibliographical references (leaf 42).

Ao longo da história da filosofia, John Locke tem sido frequentemente apresentado sob o rótulo de pai do liberalismo, o que decorre, invariavelmente, de um modo peculiar de interpretação da noção de liberdade para o filósofo, que estaria estruturada em torno da ideia de não-interferência. Derivada frequentemente de propostas analíticas realizadas em um vácuo histórico, em que as ideias de Locke são tomadas como uma estática coleção, tal conclusão expressa uma perspectiva que não considera o caráter essencialmente discursivo da filosofia política e o campo problemático em que os conceitos foram pensados pelo filósofo. Se tomarmos a obra de Locke a partir de um campo mais abrangente, constituído por diferentes atos de discurso, em que sejam considerados as condições e o contexto em que os elementos textuais foram enunciados, recuperando-se o aspecto polêmico do texto, pode ser evidenciado um traço marcadamente republicano no conceito de liberdade formulado pelo autor. Partindo da perspectiva de John Pocock acerca do processo de formação do republicanismo inglês, segundo a qual as matrizes republicanas foram recebidas na Inglaterra a partir do século XVI, desencadeando um longo processo de anglicização da república, no qual diferentes momentos podem ser identificados, e tomando como pressuposto a ideia de dupla filiação do conceito moderno de liberdade, proposta por Jean-Fabien Spitz, o propósito deste trabalho é colher os elementos que apontam em que medida a noção de liberdade defendida por Locke em sua obra política pode ser considerada tributária dos argumentos desenvolvidos nos momentos precedentes em que se expressou o pensamento republicano na Inglaterra, o que permitiria incluí-la como referência de um importante ato do longo discurso que culminou na formulação do conceito republicano de liberdade. / Throughout the history of philosophy, John Locke has often been presented under the label of \"father of liberalism,\" which invariably follows from a peculiar way of interpreting his concept of freedom, as structured around the idea of non-interference. Coming from analytical proposals often elaborated in a \"historical vacuum\", in which Locke\'s ideas are taken as a static collection, such a conclusion expresses a perspective that does not consider the essentially discursive character of political philosophy and the \"problematic field\" in which some concepts were thought by the philosopher. On the other hand, if we take Locke\'s work from a broader field, made up of different \"acts of discourse,\" taking into account the conditions and contexts in which the textual elements were enunciated, and recovering the controversial aspect of the text, we can reveal a republican feature in the concept of liberty formulated by the author. Starting from John Pocock\'s perspective about the English republicanism, according to which republican matrices were received in England from the sixteenth century, triggering a long process of \"anglicization of the republic,\" in which different \"moments\" can be identified, and considering the idea of double affiliation of the modern concept of freedom, proposed by Jean-Fabien Spitz, the purpose of this work is to gather the elements that indicate to what extent the notion of freedom defended by Locke in his political work can be considered tributary of the arguments developed in the previous \"moments\" in which the republican thought in England was expressed, which would allow to include it as reference of an important \"act\" of the long discourse that culminated in the republican concept of liberty.