L’image positive du sugar dating sur les médias sociaux suscite des inquiétudes : plusieurs femmes pourraient y adhérer avec des attentes qui ne reflètent pas la réalité. Néanmoins, la stigmatisation associée à cette pratique les incite ensuite à cacher leurs activités, augmentant leur vulnérabilité face à la victimisation et compliquant l’étude de cette population. Devant ce défi, des chercheurs se sont penchés sur l’analyse des sites de rencontre. Or, leurs approches restent souvent superficielles, se limitant à l’étude de profil ou la classification des arrangements. En dépit de quelques recherches exploratoires, l’expérience des sugar babies reste peu étudiée et plusieurs aspects demeurent méconnus. Dans ce contexte, ce mémoire vise approfondir la compréhension de l’expérience des sugar babies dans le monde du sugar dating. Guidée par une perspective de criminologie féministe, cette étude présuppose l’influence du système de genre sur le choix de partenaire et sur la dynamique de ces relations. Par une approche qualitative, nous cherchons à comprendre leurs motivations, le déroulement de leurs relations et leurs victimisations. Afin de pallier les difficultés de recrutement, une analyse de contenu de 381 fils de discussion et leurs 3 978 commentaires issus d’un forum populaire a été menée avec la méthode systématique de Krippendorff. En effet, face à la stigmatisation, les forums en ligne sont devenus des espaces où les sugar babies échangent sur leurs expériences, partagent des conseils et trouvent du soutien. Ainsi, nous avons pu accéder à leurs expériences subjectives, offrant ainsi une exploration approfondie et nuancée de leurs réalités. Leurs témoignages révèlent des motivations variées : financières, mentorales, relationnelles, et la quête de sensations fortes. Elles décrivent également la progression de leurs relations, qui débute par une recherche de partenaires en ligne, suivi d’une première rencontre où l’arrangement est négocié. Le deuxième rendez-vous est consacré à vérifier leur compatibilité sexuelle. Si celle-ci est concluante, l’arrangement se poursuit. Leur expérience est ponctuée de divers risques de victimisation : sexuels, économiques, psychologiques, physiques et secondaires. Afin de mieux cerner la complexité du sugar dating, nous proposons une réflexion qui s’articule autour de quatre axes : interdépendances, dynamique de pouvoir, normes et authenticité. / The positive portrayal of sugar dating on social media raises concerns: many women might be drawn to it with expectations that don’t align with reality. Nonetheless, the stigma attached to this practice often prompts them to conceal their activities, heightening their vulnerability to victimization and making the study of this population challenging. Faced with this challenge, researchers have delved into the analysis of dating websites. Yet, their approaches are frequently superficial, limited to profiling or categorizing arrangements. Despite a few exploratory studies, the experience of sugar babies remains under-researched, and many facets are still unknown. In this context, this thesis seeks to deepen the understanding of sugar babies’ experiences in the world of sugar dating. Guided by a feminist criminology perspective, this study assumes that the gender system influences partner choice and the dynamics of these relationships. Employing a qualitative approach, we aim to understand their motivations, the evolution of their relationships, and their experiences with victimization. To circumvent recruitment challenges, we conducted a content analysis of 381 discussion threads and their 3,978 comments from a popular forum using Krippendorff’s systematic method. Indeed, given the stigma, online forums have emerged as spaces where sugar babies discuss their experiences, share advice, and seek support. This allowed us to tap into their subjective experiences, offering a comprehensive and nuanced exploration of their realities. Their testimonies reveal a range of motivations: financial, mentoring, relational, and thrills. They also describe the progression of their relationships, starting with an online partner search, followed by an initial meeting where the arrangement is negotiated. The second meeting is dedicated to verifying sexual compatibility. If so, the arrangement continues. Their experience is marked by various victimization risks: sexual, economic, psychological, physical, and secondary. To better grasp the subtleties of sugar dating, we propose a reflection centred around four axes: interdependencies, power dynamics, norms, and authenticity.

No description available.

Conflicts have been present in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) for many decades. The demand for the country's natural resources in combination with unstable state power and the presence of armed groups are the reasons why sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) has continued to petrify the local communities. It is used as a systematic weapon to terrorize, humiliate, and intimidate civilians and to destroy communities and families. The aim of this study is thus to investigate the conditions for reproduction of SGBV in DRC as well as its individual and structural consequences. The results of this literature study are analyzed based on the following theoretical approaches: doing gender, toxic masculinity and “the established and the outsiders”. The study, with an integrative approach, shows that there are numerous consequences both for the women and the society, including for example fistulas, gunshot wounds, death, anxiety, depression, rejection, and stigmatization. The results also show that the efficiency depends, among other things, on how culturally integrated the sexual violence is and that it is allowed to reproduce due to gender norms. The violence has unifying effects on members of the armed groups where hypermasculine characteristics are rewarded. Overall, it can be stated that the situation is complex and SGBV is a destructive element in the conflict. The violence is a consequence of prevailing structures while contributing to their maintenance. The study therefore contributes with knowledge about the driving factors behind sexual violence in war and shows the importance of gender norms in its reproduction. / I östra Demokratiska republiken Kongo (DRK) har konflikter varit närvarande i många decennier. Konflikten om landets naturresurser, i kombination med en instabil statsmakt och närvaron av beväpnade grupper är anledningen till att användandet av sexuellt våld fortsatt lamslå lokalsamhällen. Det används som ett systematiskt vapen för att terrorisera, förödmjuka och skrämma civila och för att splittra samhällen och familjer. Syftet med studien är att förstå och förklara vilka faktorer som reproducerar brukandet av sexuellt våld som ett vapen i krig samt dess individuella och strukturella konsekvenser. Detta görs genom en litteraturstudie och resultaten analyseras utifrån följande teoretiska begrepp: att göra kön, toxisk maskulinitet samt etablerade och outsiders. Litteraturstudien, som har ett integrativt förhållningssätt, visar att det finns många konsekvenser både för kvinnor och samhället: fistlar, skottskador, död, ångest, depression, exkludering och stigmatisering är några exempel. Resultaten visar också att effektiviteten bland annat beror på att det sexuella våldet är djupt rotat i kulturen i DRK och reproduceras av rådande könsnormer. Våldet har förenande effekter på medlemmar av de beväpnade grupperna där hypermaskulina egenskaper premieras. Sammantaget kan det konstateras att situationen är komplex och det sexuella våldet är ett mycket destruktivt inslag i konflikten. Våldet är en konsekvens av rådande strukturer samtidigt som det bidrar till upprätthållandet av dem. Studien bidrar därför med kunskap om de drivande faktorerna bakom sexuellt våld i krig samt visar på könsnormers betydelse för reproduktionen av det.

In today’s educational landscape, digitalization, driven by economic interests, has become increasingly prominent. This development has sparked interest in understanding how high school students’ technical capital and mathematical self-efficacy influence their outcomes. To deepen the understanding of this interplay, this study integrates Selwyn’s Bourdieusian capital theory on technical capital with Bandura’s theories on mathematical self-efficacy. Empirical data were collected through a survey administered to 208 high school students across three schools in Sweden, ensuring anonymity and integrity. Linear regression was employed, controlling for gender, academic program, socioeconomic factors, and completed coursework. The results demonstrate that technical capital significantly predicts mathematical self-efficacy, with a predictive capacity of up to 59.6%. Moreover, tolerance for deviation in the model increased the predictive capacity to 94.2%. No significant differences in predictability were observed based on gender or academic program dependencies. However, gender differences revealed a more linear relationship between technical capital and digital/technical competence among women compared to men. Additionally, both genders displayed equivalent performance in knowledge-based questions. This suggests that men tend to overestimate their digital competence relative to their technical self-efficacy, while women do not exhibit the same tendency toward overconfidence. In conclusion, this study offers insights into how technical capital and self-efficacy in mathematics shape students’ educational outcomes.

This thesis examines how women's participation in peace negotiations impacts the gender inclusivity of Truth and Reconciliation Commissions (TRCs) in Côte d'Ivoire, Liberia, and Colombia. It explores whether higher degrees of women's involvement led to more gender-inclusive TRCs, hypothesising that increased participation results in better integration of gender considerations. Using secondary data and primary interviews from Colombia, the study highlights political pressure as a key causal mechanism. Findings reveal that in Côte d'Ivoire, significant grassroots activism by women without formal negotiation roles led to moderate gender inclusivity in the TRC. In Liberia, limited formal participation in peace negotiations, combined with strong grassroots advocacy and post-conflict decision-making roles for women, resulted in a highly gender-inclusive TRC. In Colombia, women's formal involvement in peace negotiations, alongside continuous advocacy by women’s organisations, led to over 100 gender-specific provisions in the peace agreement, fostering a robust gender-inclusive TRC. These results partially support the hypothesis, showing that higher women's participation generally leads to more gender-inclusive TRCs. The research underscores the importance of institutionalising gender perspectives, leveraging political pressure, and ensuring international support to achieve inclusive and sustainable peace processes. It offers practical insights for enhancing gender inclusivity in transitional justice mechanisms like TRCs.

The status of women in Bangladesh has long been an issue, with high reports of negative perceptions regarding women’s capabilities. This is reflected in the poor position of women in the labor market, and combined with reports of poor mental health among women in Bangladesh, it raises the question of whether these issues are related. Previous research has found a relationship between perceived gender-based discrimination in the labor market and mental health. Since such research can justify preventative policy measures, we wanted to investigate if the same relationship can be found in a country heavily experiencing these issues, like Bangladesh. Based on the stress process theory and the cognitive appraisal theory, we expected to find a relationship between perceived gender-based discrimination and mental health. We investigated the relationship by analyzing survey data (N = 957) collected from the Sylhet district in Bangladesh through systematic random sampling. We used linear probability models in our main analysis, which indicated that women who experienced higher levels of discrimination were more than 30 percentage points likelier to suffer from poorer mental health than women who experienced lower levels of discrimination. We found the same relationship for all of our discrimination measurements. In addition, having decision-making power in the job role, having more wealth, and living in an urban area decreased the likelihood of suffering from poorer mental health when exposed to discrimination. There was no significant difference between using emotion-focused coping and problem-focused coping. We suggest that policies promoting higher education for women, accessible childcare, and women in high-status jobs could reduce gender-based discrimination in the labor market, improving mental health. / Kvinnors status har länge varit ett problem i Bangladesh där negativa uppfattningar om kvinnors förmågor är utbredda. Det speglas i kvinnors svaga position på arbetsmarknaden vilket, i kombination med rapporter om höga nivåer av mental ohälsa bland kvinnor i Bangladesh, väcker frågan om huruvida de relaterar till varandra. Tidigare forskning visar på ett förhållande mellan uppfattad könsdiskriminering på arbetsmarknaden och mental hälsa. Sådan forskning skulle kunna användas som stöd för motverkande politiska åtgärder. Vi ämnade därför att undersöka om förhållandet även finns i ett land som starkt erfar båda dessa problem, så som Bangladesh. I enlighet med teorierna “stress process theory” och “cognitive appraisal theory” förväntade vi oss ett förhållande mellan uppfattad könsdiskriminering och mental hälsa. Vi undersökte förhållandet genom att analysera enkätdata (N = 957) som samlats från Sylhetdistriktet i Bangladesh med hjälp av systematiskt urval. Vi använde linjära sannolikhetsmodeller i den huvudsakliga analysen. Resultatet visade att kvinnor som upplever högre nivåer av diskriminering hade mer än 30 procentenheter större sannolikhet att lida av sämre psykisk hälsa än kvinnor som upplever lägre nivåer av diskriminering. Vi fann samma förhållande för alla diskrimineringsmått. Utöver det minskade sannolikheten att lida av sämre psykisk hälsa vid exponering av diskriminering med beslutsfattande i sin arbetsroll, högre välstånd och bosättning i stadsområde. Det fanns ingen signifikant skillnad mellan att använda känslofokuserade copingstrategier och problemfokuserade copingstrategier. Vi föreslår att policyer som främjar högre utbildning hos kvinnor, tillgänglig barnomsorg och kvinnor i högstatusyrken kan minska könsbaserad diskriminering på arbetsmarknaden vilket skulle leda till bättre psykisk hälsa.

Over the last few decades, Asian migrants who work in the sex industry have become the frequent target of police, government, and social service investigations. Indeed, a range of state and nongovernmental organizations have promoted punitive investigations and carceral policies, claiming to act to protect migrants from being trafficked. However, sex workers, sex workers’ rights activists, and critical antitrafficking scholars argue that rather than providing protection, this increased focus on Asian migrants actively produces myriad harms and has negatively impacted these workers’ lives by endangering their health and safety, increasing stigma and vulnerability to abuse and exploitation, and violating their human rights. To date, there is limited research on how the investigations claiming to protect migrant sex workers often turn into criminal, immigration, or bylaw investigations against them. This doctoral study aims to contribute to this small but growing body of knowledge. Informed by critical social work, institutional ethnography, and participatory action research, this project maps how the illegality of Asian migrant sex workers, particularly those who work in massage parlours, is constructed and produced. First-person narratives of Asian women have provided the threads (including the texts, actions, and institutions) for further investigation of how their experiences are shaped and how investigations against them are organized. This study shows how racism, whorephobia, and xenophobia have been embedded in both the laws and policies that coordinate sex and massage work and the way investigations into regulated and unregulated massage parlours have been organized in Toronto, Ontario. This finding helps us understand the ruling relations between law enforcement and the workers, and how the laws, policies, and practices that are intended to protect women who are purportedly “trafficked” instead criminalize and harm Asian migrant workers. This research also shows the autonomy and resiliency of Asian migrant massage and sex workers, revealing how they organize against and resist this injustice. The knowledge developed from this project has been used by sex worker communities in their ongoing efforts to challenge the dominant ideologies and discourses about sex workers and human trafficking. Further, it has contributed to their capacity to investigate institutional processes and, in turn, foster and create progressive institutional and policy change. This dissertation also offers important contributions to critical scholarship, including critical human trafficking studies, abolitionism, and activist scholarship. / Thesis / Candidate in Philosophy / This research examines how the laws and policies, particularly municipal bylaws, that claim to protect Asian and migrant massage and sex workers are actually harming them and putting them in danger. The experiences of Asian migrant sex workers, particularly those who worked in massage parlours, in Toronto, Ontario, Canada, provided the threads (including the texts, actions, and institutions) for further investigation of how their experiences are shaped and how investigations against them are organized. This study examines how the workers’ illegality is constructed and produced to coordinate the ruling relationship between the workers and law enforcement. With a focus on antitrafficking organizations (particularly those related to carceral feminism and social work), this study maps out how whorephobic, xenophobic, and racist antitrafficking discourses have become embedded in institutional discourses and into the laws and policies that regulate investigations into sex work and massage parlours. However, Asian migrant workers are not simply victims of these laws. This study also reveals the autonomy and resiliency of Asian women and how they are organizing to challenge the dominant discourse about massage work, sex workers, and human trafficking to create progressive institutional and policy change. This dissertation makes important contributions to critical human trafficking studies, abolitionism, and activist scholarship.

No description available.

Includes bibliography / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The human security concept challenges the traditional view of state security. The very essence of human security means to respect human rights. The Commission on Human Security did not focus on women as a special area of concern in the 1994 Human Development Report. The report does not recognise that being subject to gender hierarchies increases women’s insecurity and that women experience human security differently from men and shows that the human security concept does not include gender based violence (GBV) because there is no specific attention paid to issues that predominantly pertain to women. This study is conducted from a feminist perspective. It is reflexive research and based on standpoint theory. The data is gathered through analysis of secondary data and primary data, collected through interviews. GBV in South Africa tends to be continuous and the perpetrator is most likely to be a spouse or partner. Studies show that women are seen as being dependent on and weaker than men. Many men view women’s rights legislation as a challenge to the legitimacy of men’s authority over women. Women who try to be more independent in their relationships are regarded as threats and violence against them becomes a way for men to show control. The criminal justice system in South Africa has made progress in protecting women from GBV but myths, stereotypes and social conventions still prevent women from receiving justice. Traditionally, the state regards what happens in the private sphere as outside its responsibility. The public/private dichotomy challenges state regulations and norms which is evident in the case of domestic violence. It is often argued that GBV has remained imperceptible because it takes place in the private sphere. However, this research indicates that due to the socio-economic situation in South Africa, the abuse is often publicly known by those in the immediate environment as people live in informal housing. This research shows that a human security framework that targets GBV has to be developed for those who bear its consequences. When women are not viewed as subjects, issues that mainly affect them remain invisible. It is necessary that analysis of human insecurity starts from the conditions of women’s lives. Many women in South Africa live highly traumatic lives. Fighting GBV requires that we know the victims of GBV and let them decide what they need to feel secure. Creating human security requires that other threats which contribute to GBV, such as poverty, gender stereotypes and prejudice are also addressed. GBV has become an epidemic in South Africa and is a permanent constraint in women’s lives and impacts society as a whole. The security of the state rest on the security of women and as long as the state fails to treat GBV as a serious crime and protect women the state is more likely to use violence on a larger scale against its citizens. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die Menslike Veiligheidskonsept daag die tradisionele siening van staatsveiligheid uit: die kerbetekenis van Menslike Veiligheid is om menseregte te respekteer. Die Kommissie op Menslike Veiligheid het nie op vroue as ‘n spesiale area van kommer gefokus in die Menslike Ontwikkelingsverslag van 1994 nie. Die verslag het daarin gefaal om te erken dat die realiteit van geslags-hiërargieë vroue se insekuriteit verhoog, en dat die ervaring van menslike sekuriteit van mans en vroue verskil. Hierdie navorsing sal toon dat die menslike veiligheidsbegrip nie in staat is om geslags-gebaseerde geweld (GGG) in ag te neem nie, aangesien daar geen spesifieke aandag verleen is aan vraagstukke wat hoofsaaklik op vroue betrekking het nie. Hierdie studie is vanuit 'n feministiese perspektief gedoen. Die navorsing is reflektief en op standpunt-teorie gebaseer. Die data is deur die analise van sekondêre data, asook die gebruik van primêre data i deur middel van onderhoude ingesamel . GGG in Suid-Afrika is geneig om oor ‘n uitgerekte tydperk plaas te vind en die mees waarskynlike oortreders is ‘n eggenoot of lewensmaat. Navorsing toon dat gemeenskappe geneig is om vroue as swakker en afhanlik van mans te sien. Wetgewing op die regte van vroue word deur vele mans as ‘n uidaging van hul legitieme superioriteit, ten op sigte van vroue, gesien. Vroue wat dus onafhanklikheid in hul verhoudings probeer uitoefen, word as bedreigings gesien en geweld word gebruik om hulle “in hul plek te hou”. Die Suid-Afrikaanse kriminele regstelsel het al vordering gemaak in terme van die beskerming van vroue teen GGG, maar mites, stereotipes en sosiale konvensies belemmer steeds die volle gang van die gereg. Die staat het in die verlede die private sfeer as buite sy jurisdiksie gesien. Die openbare/private sfeer digotomie bied uitdagings vir staatsregulering en vir die implementering van regulasies , en dit word veral duidelik in die geval van huishoudelike geweld. Daar word aangevoer dat aangesien GGG in die private sfeer plaasvind, dit onsigbaar bly. Hierdie navorsing het egter bevind dat GGG in die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks dikwels in die openbare gemeenskapsfeer (deur diegene in die onmiddelike omgewing) opgemerk word, omdat baie mense in Suid-Afrika informele nedersettings woon.Hierdie navorsing het verder bevind dat ‘n GGG raamwerk vir menslike veiligheid ontwikkel moet word wat diegene wat die gevolge van GGG dra insluit. Indien vroue nie spesifiek as navorsingssubjekte geag word nie, bly faktore wat hulle spesifiek beïnvloed onsigbaar. Dit is belangrik dat analise van menslike insekuriteit begin om die omstandighede van vrouens se lewens in ag te neem. Vroue in Suid-Afrika leef in hoogs traumatiese omstandighede. In die bestryding van GGG is dit belangrik dat die slagoffers van GGG in ag geneem word en dat dit hulle toelaat om dit duidelik te maak wat hulle onveilig laat voel. Die skep van menslike veiligheid vereis dat bedreigings wat bydra tot GGG, naamlik armoede, geslagstereotipes en vooroordeel , ook aangespreek word. GGG in Suid-Afrika het ‘n epidemie geword, en plaas ‘n permanente beperking op vroue se lewens. Dit het ook ‘n blywende impak op die samelewing as ‘n geheel. Die veiligheid van die staat rus op die veiligheid van vroue. Solank as wat die staat versuim om GGG te bekamp en as ‘n ernstigge misdaad te erken, en vroue nie die beskerming van die staat geniet nie, is daar ‘n hoër moontlikheid vir die gebruik van geweld deur die staat teen sy eie burgers op ‘n groter skaal.

Le Canada accepte des demandes d’asile sur la base de l'orientation sexuelle depuis plus de 20 ans. Quoi qu’il en soit, cette recherche permet de douter du fait que les demandes sur la base de l’orientation sexuelle déposées par des femmes soient traitées de façon adéquate. Pour garantir l’accès à la protection des femmes appartenant à des minorités sexuelles, une analyse du risque de persécution fondé sur l'orientation sexuelle doit incorporer des considérations de genre ainsi que divers autres facteurs d’ordre social et culturel. À partir d’une étude de cas de demandes du statut de refugié déposées par des femmes sur la base de l’orientation sexuelle et rejetées par la Commission de l'immigration et du statut de réfugié entre 2010 et 2013, cette recherche identifie des procédés décisionnels problématiques qui font obstacle au droit d’asile de ces femmes. Les résultats de cette étude révèlent qu’une analyse intersectionnelle, laquelle prend acte des formes variées et multiples de l’oppression dans un contexte social donné, est d’importance cruciale pour une évaluation éclairée et non tronquée des risques de persécution pour les minorités sexuelles féminines. À la lumière de ces résultats, ce mémoire propose qu’une analyse intersectionnelle accompagne une nécessaire formation pour les membres de la Commission de l'immigration et du statut de réfugié du Canada sur des questions particulières à des minorités sexuelles. / Canada has accepted refugee claims on the basis of sexual orientation for more than 20 years; however, research suggests that claims brought by women on the basis of sexual orientation have not always received fair adjudication. To ensure equitable access to protection for sexual minority women, an analysis of their risk of persecution must incorporate gender and other social and cultural factors that influence their experiences. Based on a case study of claims brought by women on the basis of sexual orientation between 2010 and 2013, which were subsequently rejected by the Canadian Immigration and Refugee board, this research identifies decision making that poses obstacles to sexual minority women’s access to refugee protection. The findings from this case study demonstrate that an intersectional analysis, which considers various forms of oppression within a particular social context, is crucial to a complete and informed assessment of the risk of persecution for sexual minority women. In light of these findings, this paper proposes that an intersectional analysis accompany continued training for Immigration and Refugee Board members on issues particular to sexual minorities.