Regional integration has gained keen drive since the 1980s throughout the world. Political and economic considerations complement each other in any kind of process; yet classical economic integration theory would advocate that regional integration is an economic process occurring largely as a result of greater interaction between neighboring states, functioning almost like a kind of invisible hand. This theory is based on the historical example of the development of the European Union, yet it completely discounts the fact that the European Union was first and foremost a political project. Such also has been the case with the Southern African Customs Union (SACU), the world’s oldest customs union, and with the Southern African Development Cooperation Conference (SADCC) and its successor, the Southern African Development Community (SADC).   Using the new regionalisms approach, with focus on SADC as a representative regional economic community, the purpose of this paper is to provide an overview of the extent to which politics rather than economic considerations, has determined the establishment and functioning of SADCC (1980-1992) and thereafter of SADC (from August 17, 1992) and to point out the impact, that these political-driven processes has had on the development of the southern African region integration. A qualitative content analysis is used for data collection while policy analysis is brought out using the Institutional Analysis and Development framework. The results of this study reveal divergence between policy formulation (political) and policy implementation (economic) when it comes to enhancing the developmental aspects in the unfolding regional integration process, yet both equally influential. Moreover, policy formulation at the collective-action level still lacks concrete strategies and plans for the harmonization and implementation of regional initiatives. Some of the strategies for deepening the regional integration process would include prioritizing regional commitments to external ones and improving policy formulation as well as establishing linkages between different regional policies and strategies. Keywords: Regional integration; regionalism, political economic development; regional and Southern African Development Community.

The debate about a possible crisis of democracy has been present over 30 years. Questionable is what researchers mean when talking about a potential crisis. What are the factors that are causing it? Are we in a crisis of democracy in Western European countries?The goal of this thesis is to evaluate how different authors characterize what some call a crisis of democracy, to define core topics and to test one of these on empirical data. This will be achieved by firstly, analyzing pieces of literature related to the scientific crisis of democracy debate. Secondly, using Hirschmann’s theory of exit and voice, mass data from will be categorized and analyzed under the light of participation and trust in political institutions.Issues that return are overload on government, individualism, participation and a new culture versus old structure. Analyzing people’s trust in political institutions depending on their intention to go to national elections shows trends: people lose trust in the institutions government, parliament and political parties. Separating the data into groups of potential voters, non-voters and blank voters shows that the latter two show a greater mistrust in political institutions and less interest in politics.Overall, the debate on a potential crisis of democracy is multifaceted and varies between different authors. People are less active in traditional ways of participating, but that does not mean that Western European democracies stand before collapse. It could however mean that new forms of participation are needed to engage people in politics again.

Abstract University of Växjö, School of Social Sciences Course: PO 5363, Political Science 41-60 Title: US and UN, cooperation or conflict? Author: Charlotta Bjuvling Supervisor: Lennart Bergfeldt Date: Autumn 2007 The international society changed a great deal after the end of the cold war. It gave the United Nations a new oppertunity to act after the deadlock during the war, and it gave the United States a new hegemone role in the world politics. The aim of this paper is to investigate wheter the United States foreign policy action have been accordence to a realistic way of thinking since the end of the cold war. I will do this with the help of my research questions: • Have the United States followed the guidelines of the United Nations in their foreign policy? • Are there signs that show of a change, either towards more or less cooperation between United Nations and the United States? To answer these questions I will use the theories realism and Hedley Bulls concepts of fairness and his ideas of an international system in his book “An Anarchical Society”. This will be done through a qualitative literature study. The study concludes that the Unites States indeed follow a realistisc way of thinking in their foreign policy. Their cooperation with the United Nations is limited to times with special circumstances, such as the end of the cold war and the terror attack after the 11 September. However, United Nations still fills an important role in the international system. Keywords: American foreign policy, United Nations, hegemon, realism, change

The main purpose of this paper is to examine and compare the democratic situation and developement in Malung and Nyköping, through a perspective of participatory and deliberative democratic theories. The questions I’ve examined are On what priorities the actions of developing democracy are built? Which positive effects have been reached and what problems have arisen? What are the solutions they have found to the problems? How does one experience the results of the experiments and actions taken? What are the similarities and differences between the two cases? and What is their relationship to the theories mentioned above? The questions are answered through interviews with four central actors in each case and examined in relation to participatory and deliberative democratic theories and in comparison of the two cases. The results have been that even if none of the cases respond to one theoretical ideal, they have touches of both theories as well as representative theory. It shows, however, that in Malung the representative democracy theory is the strongest represented in actions and politics, while in Nyköping the participatory democratic theory is stronger. In short, the most positive and negative effects respond well to the theories.

The purpose of this thesis is to examine the role of nationalism in the former Yugoslavia conflicts, with focus on the most involved parts: Serbia, Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. The conflict was characterized by extensive ethnic cleansing between all ethnic groups (Muslims, Croats and Serbs). This study looks at three different nationalism theories formulated by Ernest Gellner, Benedict Anderson and Thomas Hylland Eriksen through a case study of former Yugoslavia. When the president of former Yugoslavia, Josip Broz Tito died and the communism in Europe was brought to an end Yugoslavia went towards its disintegration. This is when nationalism and ethnic separatism begins. When the nationalism powers won in the elections of 1990, Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina declared independence. Both republics had a Serbian minority which was in interest for the dream of creating a Great Serbia. Serbian nationalists declared their independence in these minorities and the conflicts lead to war, first between Croatia and Serbia and later in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The conflict in former Yugoslavia has its roots in various political, cultural, ethnical and religious problems. Ethnic cleansing on the civil people from all ethnic groups started and the ethnic nationalism in the conflicts led to war between three nationalities. Keywords: Nationalism, etnicitet, Serbien, Kroatien, Bosnien och Hercegovina

Abstract The purpose of this study is to illustrate Serbia’s democratic development on the basis of consolidate democratic perspective. Linz & Stepan´s five arenas (political, civil, economic, legal and bureaucratic) are required for the possibility to become a consolidate democracy. In order to fulfil the aim, I have chosen to focus on the political and civil arenas that are most central in the study of consolidate democracy. The purpose of this study is to process how far Serbia has come towards a consolidate democracy and which obstacles still remain in the transition. The questions in this study are: • What problems has Serbia faced since the democratic transition in the beginning of 1990? • What possibilities are there for Serbia to consolidate the democracy, with focus on the two key arenas of consolidation? By applying the theoretical framework to the data, I have been able to present answers and build up an analysis. As the analysis shows, Serbia has come a long way since the transition faze. Still there are a lot obstacles and further improvements are necessary before the country can finish the transition faze and become a consolidate democracy. Keywords: Serbia, democracy, consolidation, civil society, political society, human rights

This study examines Romania’s way from being a candidate country, to full membership in the European Union in January 2007. The main focus is how the EU has handled the Human Rights accusations directed towards Romania, particularly in the area of Child Protection. The case is analyzed by using a maximalistic definition of democracy, examining the importance of social rights in a country’s ongoing process of democratization. The results of the study reveal that the European Union, throughout the years of accession negotiations, has imposed much pressure on Romania to fulfill the EU-criteria. It is also apparent that while the European Union accepted Romania as a new member state, and considered these serious child abuses to be solved, many other international organizations are still critical. The concluding chapter analyses the findings of the study, actualizing the questions of whether the children’s situation have vitally been improved and if the Romanian process of democratization has reached its consolidating phase.

No description available.

Abstract The purpose of this minor thesis is to describe and systematize the Swedish debate about Sweden’s participation in the defence community of the European Union. Should Sweden take part of this or not? My aim is to describe the debate in a structured and legible way, so that the reader can get a comprehensive picture. The questions of the study are: · Which actors join in the Swedish debate about Sweden’s military participation in the EU:s defensive community; the possible common defence of the EU and the EU:s military crisis management? · Which arguments are delivered (for and against) in the debate? To be able to fulfil the aim of this study I have done an argumentation analysis. I have searched the empirical data in literature, periodicals, newspaper articles, articles on the Internet and so on. The results from the analysis show that many different actors have joined the debate since the summer of 2003. I have divided these actors in eight categories: Political parties, Politicians, Newspapers, Writers, Researchers, Military officers, Interest organizations and Foreign actors. The results also show a fairly big number- and variation of arguments. The pro-arguments (arguments for Swedish military participation) are about Sweden’s- and the EU:s needs and duties, Swedish experiences, menaces and terrorism, and the national perspective versus the international perspective. The contra-arguments (arguments against) are about risks and menaces for Sweden, the militarisation of the EU, Sweden’s military costs and resources, the Swedish people, the non-alignment and the UN (United Nations).

No description available.