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The primary aim of this thesis has been to explore the significance of institutions, specifically property rights, on the establishment of adaptive management systems for natural resources. Another goal has been to contribute to how institutional theory and, in particular, theories of institutional change can be utilized to explain the presence or absence of adaptive management systems. In addition, the importance of conflicting interests regarding management of natural resources, and the effects of these conflicts on establishing adaptive management systems is examined. In Sweden, conflicting interests exist between hunting and the forestry industry. This is because moose cause grazing damage which results in economic losses to the forestry industry, whereas hunters prefer large moose populations to optimize hunting opportunities. Changes in the Swedish official policy have stipulated that formal institutional prerequisites for local adaptive management systems are in place regarding moose management, because landowners have gained increased management rights, including the right to decide moose population size. A quantitative study of Swedish Moose Management Units has revealed that these units are not particularly adaptive. A few hypotheses were stipulated relating to issues such as conflicting interests. The first hypothesis was that the devolution of management rights of moose took place without accompanying restructuring of the public administrative moose management system, and that this has led to isolated MMUs, a hypothesis data support. The second hypothesis was that conflicting interests between hunters and the forestry industry would result in the extent of adaptive management aspects being less when the ownership structure predominantly consists of forestry companies. Empirical analysis showed that there were small statistically- significant differences that could be explained by ownership structure. However, the hypothesis that private ownership would entail more aspects of adaptive management was rejected. The final hypothesis was that neither the forestry industry nor the hunter would achieve the size of moose population desired, and data findings supported this. If the Swedish state is going to implement adaptive management of natural resources, the role of the public administration has to be examined. This study indicates that the "traditional role" of the CABs does not seem conducive to implementing adaptive management. In addition, the study also indicates the importance of changed legislation to promote adaptive management and achieve a balance between flexibility and predictability. Further research concerning the effects of conflicting interests on establishing adaptive management is warranted. / <p>Godkänd; 2006; 20070109 (haneit)</p>

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This study examines the challenges and opportunities for freedom of expression online in Turkey. A qualitative content analysis has been carried out, using annual country reports from Freedom House and the European Union. The analysis is informed by Evgeny Morozov’s theory of internet control. This framework outlines two dimensions to internet control: the technological dimension and the sociopolitical dimension. The results indicates that Turkey's regime exerts a strong control over the Internet through censorship, blocked websites, non-transparent regulatory bodies and violations of user rights. The overall most prominent threat for freedom of expression online in Turkey is the establishment of law number 5651. Various possible solutions to the identified threat are also discussed in the study.

This study examines the relationship between reception of remittances and CCT participation. Three hypotheses, predicting a negative relationship between remittances and CCTs, are presented. These are tested by logit regressions based on data from national household surveys from four Latin American countries. The study finds some support for a negative correlation between remittances and CCT participation, but lack of data restricts the possibility of drawing firm conclusions from the study.

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Denna uppsats undersöker huruvida det finns ett samband mellan typ av välfärdsregim, tilltro till den nationella regeringen, och tilltro till EU i EU:s medlemsstater under loppet av finanskrisen 2008. Välfärdsregimerna uppvisar olika nivåer av dekommodifiering, d.v.s. i hur stor grad förvärvandet av välfärd sker utanför marknaden. Medlemsstaterna kategoriseras enligt den välfärdsregimstyp de tillhör, och sammanställs i tabeller vari tilltrosnivåerna både för EU och de nationella regeringarna i dessa länder presenteras. Tilltrosstatistiken hämtas från Eurobarometers opinionsundersökningar. Tilltrosmedelvärdena för de olika grupperna jämförs och analyseras i syfte att fastställa olika tilltrostrender hos välfärdsregimerna. Jag kommer fram till att resultaten tyder på att det finns en koppling mellan hur dekommodifierad en välfärdsregim är, hur hög tilltron till den nationella regeringen är, och i förlängningen, hur hög tilltron till EU är. En ytterligare slutsats är att de östeuropeiska medlemsstaterna uppvisar ett avvikande beteende i form av hög tilltro till EU och låg tilltro till sina regeringar.

The aim of this paper is to examine the relationship between reserved seats for ethnic groups in national legislatures and corruption. In 2008, over 30 countries were reserving seats for ethnic groups in their national legislature. The share of seats that was reserved ranged from a 2 percent reserved seats arrangement for a small ethnic minority, to a 100 percent reserved seats power-sharing arrangement between two or more ethnic groups. By applying theories of informal power, this essay hypothesizes that reserving seats reduces corruption. In contrast to the theory, an initial bivariate regression shows that reserved seats are associated with higher levels of corruption. However, when controlling for conflict history, democracy, ethnic fractionalization, GDP/capita, fuel exports, newspaper circulation, and region, this association turns into a negative one, indicating that reserved seats might reduce corruption. The main finding of the study is that having less than 25 percent of the total amount of legislative seats reserved for ethnic groups reduces corruption more than having no reserved seats at all or more than 25 percent reserved seats. This suggests that certain types of reserved seats arrangements are useful for fighting corruption.