Teigiama visuomenės nuomonė apie instituciją prasideda nuo sėkmingos jos veiklos. Visuomenės nuomonei formuoti naudojama ryšių su visuomene veikla. Tačiau valstybinių institucijų ryšių su visuomene tikslai skiriasi nuo privačių institucijų. Kadangi valstybinės institucijos negamina parduodamo produkto, jų ryšių su visuomene pagrindinis tikslas – kad visuomenė teisingai suprastų institucijos misiją ir naudojamas priemones tikslams pasiekti. Valdžios institucijų ryšių su visuomene specialistai turi viešai pateikti kuo daugiau reikalingos informacijos, kuri įgalintų visuomenę teisingai įvertinti priimamus sprendimus. Valstybinių institucijų ryšių su visuomene veikla yra mažai tyrinėta, todėl jos procesų, pritaikymo specifinėms šių įstaigų reikmėms galimybių ir trūkumų analizė yra labai aktuali. Ryšių su visuomene sfera plačiausiai išplėtota centrinėse vykdomosios valdžios institucijose bei savivaldos institucijose. Teritorinėse vykdomosios valdžios institucijose ryšių su visuomene padaliniai įsteigti visai neseniai. Šiuo darbu siekta išnagrinėti teritorinių vykdomosios valdžios institucijų – apskričių viršininkų administracijų (Vilniaus, Kauno, Šiaulių, Klaipėdos, Panevėžio, Marijampolės, Utenos, Tauragės, Telšių bei Alytaus) išorinės komunikacijos strategijos kūrimo bruožus. Analizuojama apskričių viršininkų administracijų atstovų spaudai naudojamos išorinės komunikacijos priemonės bei kanalai, ir jų efektyvumas, siekiant institucijos strateginių tikslų, atsižvelgiant į... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / The positive opinion of the society about institution begins from the successful institution work. To form the opinion of society, it is used public relations. But the purposes of public institutions differ from the purposes of private ones. Since the public institutions do not make products for sale, their main public relations purpose is to define their mission and useable implements to reach the aims. The public relations specialists of authorities have to officially render as much needed information as possible, in order that society could fairly measure the decisions made by public institutions. Public relations of public institutions are not explored very much, that‘s way this is very relevant. The sphere of public relations is streamed the most in the self-government and central Executive Branch institutions. The packs of public relations in the territorial Executive Branch institutions are established newly. The aim of this work is to research the creation traits of external communication strategy in the territorial Executive Branch institutions – County Governors administrations (of Vilnius, Kaunas, Šiauliai, Klaipėda, Panevėžys, Marijampolė, Utena, Tauragė, Telšiai and Alytus). In these papers, it was analyzed external communications implements and channels (and their efficiency) used by spokespersons of County Governors administrations. The analyses were made from the territorial Executive Branch institutions with society aspect. In these papers, there are... [to full text]

Disertacijoje analizuojami subnacionalinio valdymo struktūros ir teritorinių savivaldybių kompetencijos tobulinimo teoriniai ir praktiniai aspektai. Pirmame disertacijos skyriuje nagrinėjami decentralizacijos teoriniai-metodologiniai aspektai: decentralizacijos turinio analizės problemos ir decentralizacijos privalumai bei trūkumai. Aptariama subnacionalinio valdymo struktūra ir vieta viešojo valdymo sistemoje, analizuojamos teritorinių savivaldybių kompetencijos sampratos, teritorinių savivaldybių ir kitų viešojo valdymo subjektų kompetencijos atskyrimas, teritorinių savivaldybių kompetencijos apibūdinimas, nagrinėjami subnacionalinio valdymo struktūros ir teritorinių savivaldybių kompetencijos nustatymo teoriniai aspektai. Antrame skyriuje analizuojama Lietuvos subnacionalinio valdymo struktūra ir vieta šalies viešojo valdymo sistemoje, išryškinamos teritorinio valdymo reformų kryptys 1995-2008 m. rugpjūtį, nagrinėjama Lietuvos savivaldybių bei apskričių viršininkų institucijų kompetencija ir sąveika 1995-2008 m. rugpjūčio laikotarpiu. Trečiame skyriuje pagrįsta disertacinio projekto metu atlikto empirinio tyrimo metodologija. Pristatomi ir apibendrinami Lietuvos subnacionalinio valdymo struktūros ir vietos savivaldybių bei apskričių viršininkų institucijų kompetencijos tyrimo rezultatai. Atlikto empirinio tyrimo pagrindu pateikiamos alternatyvios Lietuvos subnacionalinio valdymo struktūros ir savivaldybių bei apskričių viršininkų institucijų kompetencijos modelio... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / Theoretical and practical aspects of sub-national government structure and territorial municipalities‘ competence are developed in a dissertation. The first chapter of the thesis examines the theoretical-methodological aspects of decentralization: problems of decentralization contents analysis as well as shortcomings and advantages of decentralization. It discusses the sub-national government structure and its place within the public governance system; analyzes the conceptions of territorial municipalities’ competence, division of competence of territorial municipalities and other subjects of public government as well as description of competence of territorial municipalities; examines theoretical aspects of establishing the sub-national government structure and the competence of territorial municipalities. The second chapter analyses the sub-national government structure of Lithuania and its place within the country’s public governance system, highlights the directions of territorial government reforms made in 1995- August 2008, examines the competence of Lithuanian municipalities and county governors’ institutions during the period of 1995-August 2008. The third chapter substantiates the methodology of empirical research, carried out in the course of thesis project. Research results of the sub-national government structure of Lithuania and of the competence of local municipalities and county governors’ institutions are presented and summarized. Based on the conducted... [to full text]

SASA (SA, 1996) caters for the participation of a wide range of stakeholders who have an interest in education. In terms of section 23 of SASA (SA, 1996) the membership of the School Governing Body (SGB) consists of representatives of parents, educators, learners, support staff and the principal as ex-officio member. Section 23 (6) of SASA (SA, 1996) states that SGBs may co-opt a member or members of the community to assist in discharging its duties. This implies that participation in school governance is extended to members of the community, who are referred to as external stakeholders in this study. Therefore the aim of this research study was to investigate the extent to which these external stakeholders participated in the activities of school governance. The research made use of a qualitative research design to determine the extent of participation by external stakeholders in school governance. The findings revealed a lack of participation by external stakeholders in activities of school governance. The study further highlighted some of the challenges that hindered participation by external stakeholders such as transport problems which resulted in non-attendance of meetings, poor communication of information, lack of trainings resulted in lack of knowledge of the roles and responsibilities of SGBs, language barrier, lack of time and lack of confidence from some stakeholders. A model is thus proposed as a solution to involve external stakeholders to participate in the activities of school governance. This model would assist SGBs to involve external stakeholders in school governance. / Thesis (PhD (Education Management))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2013

SASA (SA, 1996) caters for the participation of a wide range of stakeholders who have an interest in education. In terms of section 23 of SASA (SA, 1996) the membership of the School Governing Body (SGB) consists of representatives of parents, educators, learners, support staff and the principal as ex-officio member. Section 23 (6) of SASA (SA, 1996) states that SGBs may co-opt a member or members of the community to assist in discharging its duties. This implies that participation in school governance is extended to members of the community, who are referred to as external stakeholders in this study. Therefore the aim of this research study was to investigate the extent to which these external stakeholders participated in the activities of school governance. The research made use of a qualitative research design to determine the extent of participation by external stakeholders in school governance. The findings revealed a lack of participation by external stakeholders in activities of school governance. The study further highlighted some of the challenges that hindered participation by external stakeholders such as transport problems which resulted in non-attendance of meetings, poor communication of information, lack of trainings resulted in lack of knowledge of the roles and responsibilities of SGBs, language barrier, lack of time and lack of confidence from some stakeholders. A model is thus proposed as a solution to involve external stakeholders to participate in the activities of school governance. This model would assist SGBs to involve external stakeholders in school governance. / Thesis (PhD (Education Management))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2013

Dissertation abstract This dissertation deals with the lowest segment of administration in Bohemia - regional offices - with respect to their personnel staffing in 1537-1848. The chronological limits of the work were determined by surviving archival sources of the central institutions and printed calenders and "schematizations" which enabled, with exceptions of a part of problematic years of the Thirty Years'War, to compile the line of the regional governors in this period. The first two chapters briefly discuss the development of the regions and regional governors'duties, and in this way delimit the frames of their activities in the society. The next two chapters form the basis of the study. They are focused on the participation of nobility in the administration of the regions in chronological order. Firstly, the share of the high nobility and particulary aristocracy within in holding the office is observed, dividing the period into three parts, first the period before the White Mountain Bettle, the second within the years 1631-1713 and last is limited by the years of the regions'reforms in 1714 and 1751. The reason for adopting the chronological division was the used method which enabled to specify the biggest land possesors in the regions after the White Mountain period and to clarify the involment of...

Submitted by ANTONIO NEGRO (negro@ufba.br) on 2016-04-08T19:24:02Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2010 LHSS.pdf: 1317428 bytes, checksum: c5385012d970c6de5d516156b0ebd04d (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Oliveira Santos Dilzaná (dilznana@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-04-13T13:41:04Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2010 LHSS.pdf: 1317428 bytes, checksum: c5385012d970c6de5d516156b0ebd04d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-13T13:41:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2010 LHSS.pdf: 1317428 bytes, checksum: c5385012d970c6de5d516156b0ebd04d (MD5) / CAPES / Este trabalho tem por objetivo discutir as opiniões emitidas pelos diplomatas estadunidenses no período que precede a revolução de 1930, durante o movimento e no pós-revolução. Os olhares dos cônsules e do embaixador dos Estados Unidos no Brasil identificavam as tensões entre os grupos sociais brasileiros e o que eles esperavam que fosse feito pelo governo do Brasil a fim de garantir a estabilidade governamental. Os julgamentos dos estadunidenses estavam cheios de preconceitos em relação às classes subalternas, aos negros no Brasil. Não raro eles consideravam o fato de o país ter passado por um processo de miscigenação como a causa das mazelas que afligiam a sociedade brasileira. A partir desses olhares eles desejavam que Getúlio Vargas e seus interventores tomassem medidas no sentido de educar a população a fim de minimizar as insatisfações populares, prevenindo assim as influências dos comunistas, aos quais percebiam como grande ameaça ao país. Nesse processo de acompanhar o cotidiano da política brasileira, alguns diplomatas passarão a defender a permanência do governo provisório até que fossem eliminadas todas as estruturas montadas pelos antigos chefes do poder. Já outros advogarão ardorosamente o retorno do governo constitucional como forma de dar estabilidade aos governantes e diminuir a influência dos tenentes nos estados. This work aims at discussing assessments by US diplomatic officials on Brazil, before the 1930 Revolution, during the movement and after it. Consuls’ and Ambassadors’ regards pointed out tensions existing among Brazilian social groups, as well as the steps they expected to be taken by Brazilian Government in order to assure governmental stability. Those assessments were plenty of prejudice against Brazilian subaltern classes and Blacks. Not seldom they assumed the fact that the country had gone through a process of racial mixtures was the cause to the harshnesses which afflicted Brazilian society. Following from these regards US diplomatic officials wished that Getúlio Vargas and his federally-appointed state governors would engage in educating the country population in order to ease popular dissatisfactions, preventing thereby influences by the Communists, who were perceived as a huge threat to Brazil. In the process of observing the daily working of Brazilian politics, some officials would start to back keeping the provisional government in charge until all power structures put in place by the old prower brokers were swept out. Others would strongly favor the return of a constitutional government as the way of conveying stability to the rule of political incumbents and of undermining the influence held by the “tenentes” in Brazilian states.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / A relação entre governadores e assembleias estaduais no Brasil é marcada pela tese de que os governadores possuem ampla capacidade para estabelecerem um pacto homologatório com os legislativos estaduais. Literatura recente tem buscado comparar as experiências dos diferentes estados. O Rio de Janeiro tem se destacado como um dos casos em que o legislativo conseguiu espaço para levar adiante uma agenda própria. Esse diagnóstico contrasta não só com a tese do poder dos governadores, mas também com a experiência histórica da máquina política chaguista no Estado. Essa tese busca entender como que a relação dos governadores do Estado do Rio de Janeiro com a Assembleia Legislativa do Estado se desenvolveu desde a retomada das eleições diretas para esse cargo em 1982 até o ano de 2010. A principal hipótese é a de que as mudanças no federalismo brasileiro e o ajuste fiscal levados a cabo durante os anos 1990 foram centrais para repactuar a relação entre os dois poderes. Essas mudanças nacionais permitiram que um desejo de maior independência na relação entre os poderes ganhasse espaço. A mudança na relação entre os poderes é comprovada pelo crescimento temporal na quantidade de vetos do governador derrubados pelo legislativo. A tese mostra, no entanto, que o ganho de espaço para atuação do legislativo não significou uma restrição às agendas do Executivo que continuou a ser ator central da política estadual. / The relationship between governors and state legislatures in Brazil is marked by the thesis that the governors have the capacity to establish a ratification pact with the state legislatures. Recent literature has sought to compare the experiences of different states. The Rio de Janeiro has emerged as one of the cases where the legislative was able to carry forward their own agenda. This diagnosis contrasts not only with the thesis of the governors powers, but also with the historical experience of chaguista political machine in the state. This thesis seeks to understand how the relationship of state governors of Rio de Janeiro with the State Legislative Assembly has developed since the resumption of direct elections for this position in 1982 through the year 2010. The main hypothesis is that the changes the Brazilian federalism and fiscal adjustment carried out during the 1990s decade were central to renegotiate the relationship between the two powers. These national changes allowed a desire for greater independence in the relationship between the powers to gain space. The change in the relationship between the powers is demonstrated by the growth in the amount of governor vetoes overturned by the legislature. The thesis shows, however, that the gain of the legislative did not meant a restriction on the agendas of the Executive which continued to be a central actor in state politics.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / A relação entre governadores e assembleias estaduais no Brasil é marcada pela tese de que os governadores possuem ampla capacidade para estabelecerem um pacto homologatório com os legislativos estaduais. Literatura recente tem buscado comparar as experiências dos diferentes estados. O Rio de Janeiro tem se destacado como um dos casos em que o legislativo conseguiu espaço para levar adiante uma agenda própria. Esse diagnóstico contrasta não só com a tese do poder dos governadores, mas também com a experiência histórica da máquina política chaguista no Estado. Essa tese busca entender como que a relação dos governadores do Estado do Rio de Janeiro com a Assembleia Legislativa do Estado se desenvolveu desde a retomada das eleições diretas para esse cargo em 1982 até o ano de 2010. A principal hipótese é a de que as mudanças no federalismo brasileiro e o ajuste fiscal levados a cabo durante os anos 1990 foram centrais para repactuar a relação entre os dois poderes. Essas mudanças nacionais permitiram que um desejo de maior independência na relação entre os poderes ganhasse espaço. A mudança na relação entre os poderes é comprovada pelo crescimento temporal na quantidade de vetos do governador derrubados pelo legislativo. A tese mostra, no entanto, que o ganho de espaço para atuação do legislativo não significou uma restrição às agendas do Executivo que continuou a ser ator central da política estadual. / The relationship between governors and state legislatures in Brazil is marked by the thesis that the governors have the capacity to establish a ratification pact with the state legislatures. Recent literature has sought to compare the experiences of different states. The Rio de Janeiro has emerged as one of the cases where the legislative was able to carry forward their own agenda. This diagnosis contrasts not only with the thesis of the governors powers, but also with the historical experience of chaguista political machine in the state. This thesis seeks to understand how the relationship of state governors of Rio de Janeiro with the State Legislative Assembly has developed since the resumption of direct elections for this position in 1982 through the year 2010. The main hypothesis is that the changes the Brazilian federalism and fiscal adjustment carried out during the 1990s decade were central to renegotiate the relationship between the two powers. These national changes allowed a desire for greater independence in the relationship between the powers to gain space. The change in the relationship between the powers is demonstrated by the growth in the amount of governor vetoes overturned by the legislature. The thesis shows, however, that the gain of the legislative did not meant a restriction on the agendas of the Executive which continued to be a central actor in state politics.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-08-20T13:45:54Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Leandro_Pribernow_Massia_Dissertacao.pdf: 1909270 bytes, checksum: 9b3e619b2ea18037907026e89b72de09 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-05-28 / The dissertation aims to analyze the social profile and career paths politics of the governors elected in Brazil between 1994 and 2010. The profile corresponds to four attributes, gender, age, education and profession of origin politicians. It meant by career government positions occupied by indication and / or won at the polls before arrival to the head of the state executive, and leadership positions in political parties and legislatures as well. The sources of the study are: data of Elections, institutional and personal sites, and bibliographic resources, such as the Historical-Biographical Dictionary Brazilian. The hypothesis is that the office of governor, to occupy a central place in the political hierarchy of the states belonging to the executive branch and to be defined by the majority system, is not very open to newcomers, requires its occupants long years devoted to political activity and elective terms prior, which indicates the need for professionalism to obtain the post. / A dissertação tem como objetivo analisar o perfil social e as trajetórias de carreira política dos governadores eleitos no Brasil, entre 1994 e 2010. O perfil corresponde a quatro atributos: gênero, faixa etária, escolaridade e profissão de origem dos políticos. Por carreira se entende os cargos públicos ocupados por indicação e/ou conquistados nas urnas antes da chegada à chefia do executivo estadual, além de cargos de liderança nos partidos e casas legislativas. As fontes do estudo são: dados da Justiça Eleitoral, sites institucionais e pessoais, e recursos bibliográficos, como o Dicionário Histórico-Biográfico Brasileiro. A hipótese é que o cargo de governador, por ocupar um lugar central na hierarquia política dos estados, pertencer ao poder executivo e ser definido pelo sistema majoritário, é pouco permeável a novatos, exige de seus ocupantes longos anos dedicados à atividade política e mandatos eletivos prévios, o que aponta a necessidade de profissionalização para a obtenção do posto.

Les mots utilisés par les historiens pour décrire la nation ou la société diffèrent de ceux des autorités entre 1800 et 1820. La création des préfectures place les préfets au cœur d'une administration centralisée. Situés entre les ministres et les sous-préfets, en relation directe avec les autorités militaires et religieuses, ils entretiennent une correspondance administrative quotidienne avec divers interlocuteurs et traitent parfois les réclamations qui leurs sont transmises, directement ou non, par leurs administrés. En tant que relais du pouvoir central, le personnel préfectoral est également amené à s’adresser directement à la population par le biais de proclamations. Tous ces documents révèlent les vues des gouvernants. Leurs représentations changent, ainsi que leur langage, au gré des succès diplomatiques, politiques ou militaires, et des défaites qui sonnent le glas de l'Empire fondé par Napoléon remplacé à sa chute par Louis XVIII sur le trône de France. Les images véhiculées par les autorités n'évoluent pas toutes au même rythme ; elles demeurent complexes et soumises à des tensions révélatrices de leurs contradictions. Les pouvoirs publics réaffirment les traits communs propres à un « peuple » exceptionnel, distinct de ses voisins européens, souvent supérieur. Ils ne cachent pas pour autant les nombreuses divisions qui opposent les Français, « bons » ou « mauvais ». Ils ne taisent pas non plus les différences qu'ils établissent entre les élites et le reste de la population, dénigré pour son appartenance sociale ou géographique et prennent en compte la souffrance des « malheureux ». / The words used by historians to describe the nation or society differ from those used by the authorities between 1800 and 1820. The creation of prefectures places prefects at the heart of a centralised administration. Situated between ministers and sub-prefects, in direct contact with military and religious authorities, they maintain daily administrative correspondence with various interlocutors and sometimes handle complaints transmitted to them, directly or indirectly, by their constituents. As a relay of the central power, prefectoral staff also have to address the population directly through proclamations. All these documents reveal the views of the rulers. Their representations changed, as did their language, depending on diplomatic, political or military successes, and the defeats that sounded the death knell of the Empire founded by Napoleon, which was replaced when Louis XVIII fell to the throne of France. The images conveyed by the authorities do not all evolve at the same rate; they remain complex and subject to tensions that reveal their contradictions. The public authorities reaffirm the common features of an exceptional "people", distinct from its European neighbours, often superior. However, they do not hide the many divisions between the French,"good" or "bad". Nor do they ignore the differences between the elites and the rest of the population, denigrated for their social or geographical affiliation and taking into account the suffering of the "unfortunate.