Free Schools entail increased involvement from civil society actors in the provision of State-funded education in England. The increased devolution of freedoms and responsibilities to these 'self-governing' schools is reflected in a significant range of strategic decisions made through the development process. These include decisions over such issues as religious character, social purpose, educational priorities and innovations in organisation. However, which factors influence the exercise of these strategic freedoms within local experiences of the strategic development processes remains unclear. Existing literature and media debate has predominantly focussed on justification for these structural reforms and their educational and social outcomes. In maintaining focus at the macroscopic level the link between policy and outcomes is assumed. Furthermore, discussion at this level may ignore important features of the provision within Free Schools at the local level. This study focusses on how the social experiences of governors provide an alternative narrative within the broader debate on structural reform. It presents empirical findings focused on the reported experiences from 21 governor interviews with those responsible for the development of three Free Schools. Analysis followed a grounded theory methodology in which theoretical sampling was influenced by a broader range of interview, survey and secondary data. Coding of the data revealed that the formation of the vision and purpose, diverse relationships, continuous reorganisation and the positioning of oneself relative to others were recurring themes in the experiences reported within and between the schools. In order to explain the diversity of experiences in relation to these themes three categories were developed, namely motivations, relating and power. Similarities and differences in motivations (including personal relationships, vested interests and subjective judgements), relations (including social groupings and experiences of specific interactions) and power (including its configuration, perpetuation and dynamism) were analysed across the participant accounts. Diverse and manifold motivations and relations emerge in complex responsive processes of relating through which tacit hierarchies, sub-group identities and individual interests emerge in the conduct of loosely defined roles. It is concluded that the freedoms to self-define expose governors to diverse social influences on development. The enduring influence of founding relationships challenges the capacity of governors to maintain the balance required of the critical friend role. Furthermore, the local reallocation of diverse value propositions in school provision does not guarantee the relevance of schools to their communities, or democratic accountability over public spending.

O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar as relações entre o Poder Executivo e o Poder Legislativo em nível provincial na Argentina. Tanto estas relações entre os poderes do Estado quanto a esfera estadual colocam-se como temas de relevância nos estudos de ciência política na atualidade, que analisam os sistemas presidencialistas em diferentes níveis. O federalismo e o presidencialismo são matérias recorrentes nos estudos sobre as instituições na Argentina. Os debates enfatizam o papel que o presidente tem na dinâmica das interações entre os entes e os poderes, ora na esfera nacional, ora nas próprias províncias. Tradicionalmente, as análises levavam em consideração um predomínio do executivo e da administração federal em distintas esferas, supondo que o legislativo era um simples homologador das decisões executivas e colocando um véu no que realmente se passava tanto nas arenas legislativas quanto nos níveis provinciais. Um novo grupo de estudos demonstrou, através de análises da produção legislativa, que o presidente argentino não é todo-poderoso, encontra empecilhos em sua relação com o legislativo, e só consegue aprovar metade das propostas que encaminha ao parlamento nacional, evidenciando que não há tal predomínio de um poder sobre o outro. Seguindo estes trabalhos, assim como a literatura que trata sobre a temática, a presente tese busca novos enfoques para estudar o que acontece no presidencialismo estadual na Argentina. Estudam-se os projetos de lei ingressados nas câmaras baixas provinciais e as taxas de sucesso que parlamentares e governadores conseguem em sua aprovação. Compara-se o comportamento dos atores nos trabalhos legislativos, levando em consideração os poderes constitucionalmente conferidos a eles, as regras eleitorais para os cargos executivos e legislativos, a estruturação do Poder Legislativo em uma ou duas câmaras, o tamanho das bases governistas e a organização interna do legislativo em forma mais e menos centralizada. Usando estes fatores que incentivam maior ou menor produção legislativa por parte de governadores e parlamentares, busca-se esclarecer o papel que eles cumprem no processo decisório das províncias argentinas. / The main objective of this thesis is to analyze the relations between Executive and Legislative powers in the Argentinean provinces. Nowadays, these relations between the powers of the State in those two spheres of government are relevant subjects in the Political Science studies, which analyze presidential system at different levels. The federalism and presidentialism are frequent topics in the papers of Argentinean institutional analysis. The interactions between the spheres and powers at national or provincial levels are fundamental debates that emphasize the center role of the President in the power relation dynamics. Traditionally, scholars presupposed a predominance of federal Executive and administration. They assume that Legislative was a simple approval agency of Executive decisions, putting a veil in what really happened in both legislative and provincial levels. Recently studies demonstrate, using a legislative production analysis that Argentinean President is not almighty, as was thought to be. They found obstacles in the relation between the Executive and Legislative power, and demonstrate that the success rate rise about to the half of the bills, showing that there is no dominance of one power over another. Following these researches and the literature on the issue, this thesis looks for new approaches to study the provincial presidentialism in Argentina. The success rates of the bills presented by Governors and representatives to the provincial low chambers are used here as performance indicators. This work compares the behavior of actors at legislative office, taking into account their constitutional instruments, the electoral rules to executive and legislative positions, the difference between the legislative structure (one or two chambers), the parliamentary group of the official coalition, and the internal legislative organization depending on a more or less centralized way. It pretends to achieve their role in decision process at Argentinean provinces using all these factors that incentive Governors and representatives to higher or lower legislative production.

Ao observarmos como os partidos políticos se posicionam na arena federal, podemos perceber que eles se distinguem em relação às suas prioridades estabelecidas para as políticas públicas. Entretanto, não sabemos se estas prioridades, expressas por parlamentares na arena federal, traduzemse em políticas quando seus respectivos partidos estão no controle do poder executivo local. Poucos estudos têm se dedicado à investigação da influência dos partidos políticos brasileiros sobre as políticas que são implementadas pelos governos subnacionais. O objetivo deste trabalho é dar uma contribuição para esta agenda de pesquisa mediante i) a apresentação de um modelo formal que simplifique e exponha as melhores opções dos prefeitos de diferentes partidos quando há preferências partidárias sobre políticas e quando estas preferências estão ausentes; e ii) a análise da política de educação desenvolvida pelos prefeitos e seus partidos. Os resultados encontrados indicam que a demanda por políticas, o comportamento dos diferentes níveis de governo e a existência de serviços similares ofertados por outras redes são fatores importantes que influenciam a provisão de políticas. Não há relação entre o partido do prefeito e a política de educação local, mas há relação entre a política local de educação e o partido do governador. Ainda assim, os resultados não indicam que esta relação seja constante ao longo do tempo. / When we observe how political parties position themselves in the federal arena, we can see that they differ in their priorities established for public policy. However, we do not know if these priorities expressed by legislators in the federal arena, translate into policies when their parties are in control of the local executive power. Few studies have been devoted to the investigation of the influence of Brazilian political parties on the policies implemented by subnational governments. This work aim to give a contribution to this research agenda by i) the presentation of a formal model that simplifies and exposes the best options of mayors from different parties when there are party preferences on policy and when these preferences are absent; and ii) by the analysis of the education policy developed by the mayors and their parties. The results indicate that the policies demand, the behaviour of the different levels of government and the existence of similar services offered by other networks are important factors that influence the provision of policies. There is no relation between the mayor\'s party and the local education policy, but there is a relation between the local education policy and the governor\'s party. Still, the results do not indicate that this relation is constant over time.

Each of the fifty U.S. state constitutions establishes a fundamental framework for governmental operations within the state. Described by previous scholarship as the state's political technology, state constitutions delineate formal gubernatorial and legislative authority. Extant literature has focused on gubernatorial and legislative relations from the standpoint of the contemporary contextual political factors associated with individuals serving in the respective offices. Although useful, this focus limits a deeper understanding about how state constitutions, as a point of departure, might affect the way in which governors and legislators interact in the policy process. Specifically examined by this research is how variation in design might impact the ability of governors and state legislatures to achieve preferred policy alternatives. This is addressed through the divergence between the governor's proposed budget and the state legislature's enacted budget. To analyze potential influences of this divergence, state budgets from 27 U.S. states over a recent period of eleven years were collected and coded according to policy areas. Data were used to test hypothesized effects of state constitutional design of formal authority. Based on Tobit model estimation and predicted values of divergence derived from alternative constitutional design scenarios, some state constitutional factors affect the ability of governors and state legislatures to achieve preferred policy alternatives. Salient constitutional variables include gubernatorial and legislative budget authority, institutional control, and duration in service factors. The empirical focus of this research contributes to a more enriched understanding of state constitutions as political technologies. In essence, the design of state constitutional authority has the potential to affect how governors and state legislatures interact in the policy process. In addition to contributing to state constitutional theory, these findings enrich the understanding of the design of authority by reformers and citizens. / Ph. D.

The 1988 presidential campaign was considered by many members of the news media as one of the most negative presidential campaigns in twenty years. Since then a good deal of attention has focused on negative televised political commercials. Negative televised political commercials are commercials which attack or criticize opponents and often only towards the end remind the voter of the alternative candidate. The goal of negative ads is to affect voters on both a rational and emotional level. Critics of negative political advertising believe negative ads are detrimental to the democratic process because they create a negative atmosphere which may engulf the campaign, dissuade voters from participating in the democratic process, impair the ability of voters to make informed decisions, and they often play on the prejudices and fears of the voters. critics have offered various solutions which would curb the use or help candidates protect themselves against negative attacks, and one such solution is the "inoculation message strategy." In their book Attack Politics, Michael Pfau and Henry Kenski offer the "inoculation message strategy" as a method in the defense of negative advertising. The inoculation message strategy uses two-sided arguments to defend against attack messages. In Pfau and Kenski's research they used written attack messages in their experiments. This thesis will test the ability of the inoculation message strategy to defend against actual televised political commercials. / Master of Arts

The subject of studying the institutional powers of state governors has largely been expressed on a macro level. Scholars have focused on obtaining a measurement of overall gubernatorial powers, often overlooking the quality of the individual measurements that make up their cumulative index. The most recognized method for measuring the formal and informal powers of state governors was created by Joseph A. Schlesinger in 1960, with Thad Beyle carrying on the work and providing periodical updates to the index. The scales used in these studies fall somewhat short of measuring the reality of gubernatorial powers in individual states, as existing scales of individual powers in appointment, tenure, veto, budget, branch official selection and party control fail to recognize important differences among the states. Measuring gubernatorial powers can be important for scholars and citizens alike. Further knowledge of the governor's role and powers in the political process can give voters and researchers a better sense of what a governor may be able to accomplish, and serve as a possible predictor of policy success. This study reviews and reworks the Beyle scales in an effort to identify power differences between states in terms of their individual powers. A closer look at the categories used in cumulative indices reveals that many states are scored identically despite awarding significantly different powers to their state executives. By identifying constitutional and statutory differences among states, revised scales and scores are suggested to improve the validity of measuring the individual powers. A time period comparison for the years 1980-2005 shows that the revised scales find less change in certain powers than the Beyle scales. Finally, the results of the project are used to partially fulfill an existing framework for predicting and evaluating gubernatorial policy success in the states, allowing researchers a better relative context from which to predict and assess gubernatorial actions. / Master of Arts

List of tables -- Chapter I. Price Daniel: a biographical sketch -- Chapter II. Governor Daniel and the fifty-fifth Texas legislature -- Chapter III. Governor Daniel and the fifty-sixth Texas legislature -- Chapter IV. Governor Daniel and the fifty-seventh Texas legislature -- Chapter V. Techniques used by Governor Price Daniel in Exercising legislative leadership-- Bibliography.

O presente estudo analisa a reforma administrativa elaborada e proposta pelo governo Fernando Henrique Cardoso (FHC) em seu primeiro mandato (1995-1998). Para tanto, o trabalho analisou, especialmente, os argumentos da literatura a respeito da participação dos governadores estaduais no processo da reforma. A pesquisa se baseou principalmente em dados coletados sobre a votação nominal da reforma administrativa do governo FHC na Câmara de Deputados em 1997 e em informações coletadas a respeito do apoio dos governadores estaduais à reforma. A conclusão do estudo é de que, de um lado, o apoio ativo dos governadores estaduais à reforma não pode ser explicado apenas pela situação fiscal e financeira dos estados e, de outro lado, que a participação efetiva dos governadores estaduais na votação somente pode ser entendida através da mediação dos partidos políticos. / The present study analyze the administrative reform elaborated and proposed by the president Fernando Henrique Cardoso (FHC), during his first term (1995-1998). In this way, it presents a review of the literature arguments, especially, about the state governors influence in the reform outcomes. The resarch was based on data about nominal voting at the House of Representantives in 1997 and on collected information about state governors support to this reform. The conclusion of the study is, in one hand, that active state governors support can\'t be explicated only by fiscal and financial situation of the states and, on the other hand, that efective participation of state governors on voting only can be understood through the mediation of political parties.

Este trabalho tem por objetivo delinear as trajetórias administrativas dos governadores e dos bispos que atuaram na jurisdição do Estado do Grão-Pará e Maranhão no período pombalino. De acordo com os pressupostos renovados da biografia, são analisados: os perfis sociais dos agentes nas conquistas do Norte; a sua formação e experiências no Real Serviço; os critérios de recrutamento dos administradores coloniais para as capitanias do Grão-Pará (governadores e capitães-generais), Maranhão, São José do Piauí e São José do Rio Negro (governadores), e dos bispos encarregados das dioceses do Maranhão e do Pará; as linhas gerais da ação administrativa nas esferas temporal e religiosa; as situações de colaboração e de conflito entre governadores e bispos no cumprimento das diretrizes metropolitanas; e, por fim, as possibilidades de remuneração e de promoção pela participação no Real Serviço. A análise desta dimensão das trajetórias leva em conta alguns fatores essenciais: O desempenho das funções na mitra e no governo das capitanias e o estabelecimento de alianças políticas e de conexões familiares no Reino. / This work intends to outline the administrative careers of governors and bishops that acted in the jurisdiction of the State of Grão-Pará and Maranhão in the period of Pombal\'s government. According to the renewed assumptions of biography, were analyzed: the social profiles of the agents in the conquests of the North; their upbringing and experiences in the Royal Service; the criteria for recruiting the colonial administrators for the captaincies of Grão-Pará (governors and general captains), Maranhão, São José do Piauí and São José do Rio Negro (governors); and the bishops in charge of the dioceses of Maranhão and of Pará; the general outlines of the administrative action in the secular and religious circles; the circumstances of collaboration and conflict between governors and bishops in fulfilling the metropolitan directives; and, finally, the possibilities of remuneration and promotion for the participation in the Royal Service. The examination of this dimension of the careers considers some essential factors: the performance of the bishops in the functions of the miter and in the government of the captaincies, and the establishment of political alliances and familiar relationships in the Kingdom.

A tese analisa os conflitos inerentes ao exercício do poder na capitania/província de São Paulo partindo do estudo de sua estrutura político-administrativa e relacionando-a às transformações sócio-econômicas e à forma como membros de grupos de poder locais buscaram influenciar a governança entre 1765, quando da reorganização da capitania como unidade administrativa autônoma, e 1822, depois da instituição do Governo Provisório reconhecido pelas Cortes Constitucionais da Nação Portuguesa e pelo então príncipe regente D. Pedro. A análise do movimento de injunção entre interesses públicos e privados na São Paulo do período baseia-se em fontes relativas ao sistema de arrematações das rendas reais e de sua relação com a concessão de altas patentes militares, demonstrando a impossibilidade de separar as relações político-administrativas estabelecidas entre os governantes nomeados para São Paulo e os interesses de grupos ligados à produção e ao comércio local. Por outro lado, ressalta-se a plena integração desta capitania às políticas de desenvolvimento do Império português implantadas pela Coroa, o que permite melhor compreender o espaço político e o poder econômico alcançado pelos paulistas durante as primeiras décadas do século XIX, quando da instalação do Império brasileiro. / The thesis analyses the conflicts inherent to the exercise of political power in the captaincy/province of São Paulo considering the study of its politic-administrative structure and relating it to the socio-economic transformations and to the way that the members of local power groups tried to influence the governance between 1765, when the captaincy was reorganized as an autonomic administrative unit, and 1822, after the Provisory Government was instituted and recognized by the Constitutional Courts of the Portuguese Nation and by the regent prince D. Pedro. The analysis of the conjoining movement between public and private interests in São Paulo at that period is based on sources related to the system in which they bid for royal income, receiving the right to collect the taxes, and its relation to the high-ranking military positions concessions, demonstrating the impossibility to separate the political-administrative relations established between the appointed governors of São Paulo and the interests of the groups related to the local production and commerce. On the other hand, the full integration of this captaincy to the developmental politics of the Portuguese Empire implanted by the Crown is pointed out, what allows a better comprehension of the public space and the economic power reached by the paulistas during the first decades of the 19th century, when the installation of the Brazilian Empire occurred.