This thesis focuses on cooperation of the European Union with the African, Carribean and Pacific Group of States. Its aim is to describe the relations in a complex way and to record the changes that are connected with the evolution of cooperation. Attention is also paid to conditionality of cooperation. Introductory part describes EU development cooperation and humanitarian aid. Historical evolution of EU-ACP cooperation follows together with the details on the Cotonou Agreement. Last part is the case study on Haiti.

The presence of NGOs and development agencies is often considered an apolitical phenomenon, and that the very presence of NGOs within a country is a symbol of a global humanity in action; in short, NGOs equal charity which equals good work. Unfortunately, the reality is often much more complicated as NGOs can also be found to be self-serving, anti-democratic and strictly in pursuit of their next funding source. In this thesis I advance the central hypothesis that the international community’s continued pursuit of an NGO-led neoliberal economic development model has systematically failed to contribute to the sustainable development of Haiti because they pursue the wrongs means of achieving poverty alleviation goals. Throughout its history, Haiti has continuously been caught between the aspirations of its people and the legacy of foreign interventions. The recent trend of implementing neoliberal development goals and strategies, supported and executed by NGOs, has focused on the promotion of economic growth as a means to eradicate poverty. However, this strategy is an ineffective method at producing positive changes in well-being, the economy, or the environment (Edmonds, 2010; Shamsie, 2012). I argue that the relationship between NGOs and their donors continuously undermines the Haitian’s right to self-sufficiency that would lead to self-determination and enable the Haitian people to control their own destiny. A new approach for addressing extreme poverty in Haiti must be rooted in a different set of values and beliefs; a different outlook that puts morality, humanity, equality and the environment at the forefront. A new development path that is not based on a growth economy but focused on human well-being and environmental conservation. NGOs will need to enact increasingly participatory and transparent practices that allows for a development path that can regulated and determined by the Haitians themselves.

This dissertation explains the role that Haiti's leading mainstream and alternative news outlets have played in the aftermath of the 2010 earthquake that devastated the island nation of Haiti. The role of the media as a civic institution that acts on behalf of and in alliance with civil society in times of crisis is the central theme of this dissertation. Prior research has demonstrated that Haiti's media has been at the heart of such a role in civic society throughout the country's two hundred plus years of independent existence. This dissertation argues that this media tradition has been revitalized, strengthened and put to the test by the current crisis the country faces in physical reconstruction from natural disaster, political reconstruction from fragile early attempts at democracy, and social reconstruction from decades of economic stagnation that have exacerbated poverty and living conditions of the average Haitian. This project uses a mixed methodological approach of qualitative methods and basic quantitative methods to analyze how Haitian journalists have covered the aftermath of the disaster. This research addressed three key elements: (1) the impact of the disaster on the fractions that existed within the leading news media outlets during the nation's ongoing experiment with democracy (2) the impact of the disaster on how journalists view and practice their profession (3) the impact of the disaster on the quality of news being produced in Haiti. Findings indicate that there was an initial solidarity reborn among key Haitian news outlets that has sustained itself four years into the crisis. The solidarity born out of this most recent crisis has resulted in changes in how journalists approach their civic duty, despite commercial strains, and how they cooperate through sharing of news content and resources. These changes are seen across all media platforms. Additionally, Haitian media outlets have taken joint stances on developments in the country since the 2010 disaster that has resulted in news content that is more critical of those who hold power, and more concerned with advocacy on behalf of the Haitian people in general. At a time when the Haitian people are searching for a path forward, Haiti's media is providing a powerful platform to debate the course of the country's future. / acase@tulane.edu

<p>Syftet med uppsatsen är att undersöka om <em>Dagens Nyheter</em> och <em>Svenska Dagbladet</em>, som är de två största svenska morgontidningarna, har varit styrda av postkoloniala tankesätt i sin rapportering från det jordbävningsdrabbade Haiti. Jordbävningen ägde rum den 12 januari 2010, och vår undersökningsperiod sträcker sig från den 13 januari till den 26 januari 2010.  </p><p>Vi har använt oss av en kvalitativ textanalys och totalt läst 190 artiklar, varav 38 av dem är citerade i undersökningen. Som utgångspunkt för vår undersökning har vi huvudsakligen använt oss av Maria Eriksson Baaz avhandling <em>The White Who/Man’s Burden in the Age of Partnership</em>.<em> </em><em>A Postcolonial Reading of Identity in Development Aid</em> (Göteborgs universitet 2002). Centralt i den postkoloniala teorin är att västerlänningar – <em>Vi</em> – ses som rationella, medan <em>De Andra</em> – är styrda av sin kultur. Vår ambition är att studera hur de båda tidningarna skildrar begreppen <em>Vi</em> och <em>De Andra</em>. I vår undersökning står västerlänningarna för <em>Vi:</em>et medan den haitiska befolkningen är <em>De Andra</em>. En stor del av teorin är även begreppet ”den vite mannens börda” som innebär att Väst har en skyldighet att hjälpa dem som inte har nått lika långt på utvecklingsstegen.</p><p>Våra frågeställningar är: </p><ul><li>Hur skildras den västerländska hjälpen på plats i Haiti? Vilka är de västerländska männens respektive kvinnornas uppdrag?</li><li>Hur skildras den västerländska indirekta hjälpen till Haiti i artiklarna? Hur omnämns exempelvis det västerländska biståndet och gåvorna?</li><li>På vilket sätt framställs de drabbade haitierna i artiklarna? Ses de som hjälplösa offer eller är de aktiva aktörer?</li></ul><p>Undersökningen visar att både <em>Dagens Nyheter</em> och <em>Svenska Dagbladet</em> framställer haitierna som beroende av omvärldens stöd, både på plats och i form av bistånd. USA och EU ses som huvudaktörerna i hjälparbetet. Haitierna beskrivs huvudsakligen som passiva offer, oförmögna att reda ut situationen. Mer positiva skildringar av befolkningen förekommer, men inte i samma utsträckning.</p><p>Slutsatsen är att båda tidningarna är genomsyrade av postkoloniala tankesätt i sin rapportering från Haiti under vår undersökningsperiod.</p>

The instance of rice aid in Haiti definitively demands a reevaluation of humanitarian aid in today's world. In this thesis, I will outline the effects of rice aid on Haitian society and theoretically analyze humanitarian aid’s presence in “developing” countries. In addition to ruining many Haitian farmers' livelihoods, rice imports have aggravated Haiti's economic situation and national stability, the consequences of which have fallen primarily on the poor woman. I focus on the effects on the peasant woman in this thesis. Food insecurity remains a crisis. Throughout my thesis, I draw from the texts of scholars Slavoj Zizek, Jacques Rancière, and Noam Chomsky, in order to attempt at understanding what is really going on here. Such theorists illuminate the historical and theoretical analysis of humanitarian aid and the concept of human rights that said-aid seeks to protect. The purpose of my thesis is to shed new light on the business of humanitarian aid, using rice in Haiti as a case study of sorts. I seek to uncover the role international donor institutions have played in reinforcing the fragile state in Haiti as a result of rice aid, arguing that humanitarian aid has done more to prevent than to inspire sustainable progress in Haiti especially in rural Haiti that continually gets hit the hardest during economic crises such as the one brought on by humanitarian aid in the form of rice.

Denna studie jämför rapporteringen om naturkatastroferna i Haiti och Pakistan år 2010. Syftet är att förstå hur Svenska Dagbladet och Dagens Nyheter har prioriterat och gestaltat respektive lands katastrof vilket i sin tur skapar en bild av nationens ställning som offer.221 artiklar ligger till grund för mätning av utrymme och placering, varpå 72 artiklar analyserades mer ingående med hjälp av kvantitativ innehållsanalys för att ta fram viktiga aspekter i gestaltningen. Huvudsakliga aspekter var Lidande människor, de Skyldiga och Räddaren.Utifrån teorier om Agenda-Setting fann vi stöd för de resultat vi fann angående utrymme och prioritering. Compassion Fatigue och synen på Vi som en västerländsk norm och De Andra fick stå som teoretisk grund för hur journalister skapar medkänsla hos läsaren för att öka intresset för nyheten.Resultatet visar att katastrofen i Haiti var den som prioriterades högst. Det på grund av att medier prioriterar plötsliga händelser framför långsamma och att Haiti utifrån ett västerländskt perspektiv hade en högre nationell status som offer än Pakistan. Studien visar även att ett fåtal döda har högre nyhetsvärde än ett flertal antal sjuka och skadade människor.

Syftet med uppsatsen är att undersöka om Dagens Nyheter och Svenska Dagbladet, som är de två största svenska morgontidningarna, har varit styrda av postkoloniala tankesätt i sin rapportering från det jordbävningsdrabbade Haiti. Jordbävningen ägde rum den 12 januari 2010, och vår undersökningsperiod sträcker sig från den 13 januari till den 26 januari 2010.   Vi har använt oss av en kvalitativ textanalys och totalt läst 190 artiklar, varav 38 av dem är citerade i undersökningen. Som utgångspunkt för vår undersökning har vi huvudsakligen använt oss av Maria Eriksson Baaz avhandling The White Who/Man’s Burden in the Age of Partnership. A Postcolonial Reading of Identity in Development Aid (Göteborgs universitet 2002). Centralt i den postkoloniala teorin är att västerlänningar – Vi – ses som rationella, medan De Andra – är styrda av sin kultur. Vår ambition är att studera hur de båda tidningarna skildrar begreppen Vi och De Andra. I vår undersökning står västerlänningarna för Vi:et medan den haitiska befolkningen är De Andra. En stor del av teorin är även begreppet ”den vite mannens börda” som innebär att Väst har en skyldighet att hjälpa dem som inte har nått lika långt på utvecklingsstegen. Våra frågeställningar är:  Hur skildras den västerländska hjälpen på plats i Haiti? Vilka är de västerländska männens respektive kvinnornas uppdrag? Hur skildras den västerländska indirekta hjälpen till Haiti i artiklarna? Hur omnämns exempelvis det västerländska biståndet och gåvorna? På vilket sätt framställs de drabbade haitierna i artiklarna? Ses de som hjälplösa offer eller är de aktiva aktörer? Undersökningen visar att både Dagens Nyheter och Svenska Dagbladet framställer haitierna som beroende av omvärldens stöd, både på plats och i form av bistånd. USA och EU ses som huvudaktörerna i hjälparbetet. Haitierna beskrivs huvudsakligen som passiva offer, oförmögna att reda ut situationen. Mer positiva skildringar av befolkningen förekommer, men inte i samma utsträckning. Slutsatsen är att båda tidningarna är genomsyrade av postkoloniala tankesätt i sin rapportering från Haiti under vår undersökningsperiod.

Through close readings of various texts that deal with issues of border, identity and the relationship between Haiti and Dominican Republic as well as with the flow of immigrants between Dominican Republic and the United States, this study introduce the trope of the “rayano” (the one that was born, lives or comes from the border) as an apt metaphor to explain the identity of Dominicans in the twenty-first century — an identity that should be viewed as one born out of movements, translations and interstices. The primary texts that this study will focus on will cover the Haitian-Dominican and Dominican-American experiences.  In terms of the former, El Masacre se pasa a pie (1973) by Freddy Prestol Castillo and The Farming of Bones (1998) by Edwidge Danticat are useful for analyzing the defining moment of the relationship between Haiti and Dominican Republic in the twentieth century: the 1937 border massacre of Haitians and Dominican-Haitians ordered by Dominican dictator Rafael L. Trujillo. In the case of the Dominican-American relationship, Dominicanish (2000) by Josefina Báez, and The Brief Wondrous Life of Oscar Wao (2007) by Junot Díaz will be the texts through which it will be analyzed the Dominican diaspora and its relationship with the two defining spaces of Dominicanness in the twenty-first century: Santo Domingo and New York City. In addition to these texts, this study also will engage with the theoretical production regarding the triangular relationship between Dominican Republic, Haiti and the United States through an analysis of the different metaphors used by Lucía M. Suárez in The Tears of Hispaniola: Haitian and Dominican Diaspora Memory, Eugenio Matibag in Haitian-Dominican Counterpoint: Nation, State and Race in Hispaniola, and Michele Wucker in Why the Cocks Fight: Dominicans, Haitians, and the Struggle for Hispaniola.

Waste management is a growing concern in rapidly urbanizing developing countries and Haiti is noexception. Excessive amounts of improperly discharged waste endangers unique tropical environment, appears to bea reason of fast spread of epidemic diseases, increases risk of floods during the hurricane season and contributes toclimate change. Due to various historical, economic, natural and socio-political reasons, public sector of Haitianstate is not able to provide decent waste management service. Public-private partnerships are a highly-advocateddevelopmental tool for involvement of private sector in delivery of public service, relocation of stress fromgovernment budgets, privatization and decentralization. The study was conducted in order to suggest an option ofPublic-Private Partnership project that would suit the context of Haiti. In compliance with the principles ofsustainable development and in order to increase energy self-sufficiency, waste-to-energy approach is considered asa suitable option for waste management delivery. Public-Private Partnership is understood as a social system,models of partnership are created with the use of system theory approach. Theoretical base is complemented withthe concept of PPP and Waste Management Theory. This descriptive single case-study is a examining the choice oftechnology for energy recovery from waste, degree of privatization and general problematic issues that might occurduring the implementation of the project in the context of Haiti. Small-scale anaerobic digestion through concessioncontracting with service providers was picked up as the most favorable option after the analysis of surveys amongqualified experts, local citizens and literature review on the matter. It was also concluded that lack of publicmanagement capacity is a major obstacle for implementation of public-private partnership for waste management inthe context of Haiti.

This thesis seeks to examine why the Lavalas elite faction and its oppositions have failed to make and implement mutual agreements, to resolve regime crises and to create an environment conducive to democratic norms. The study derives explanations stemming from three alternative models: modernization, rational choice and misperception. Three periods of consensus-building attempt between the Lavalas elite and its oppositions (1991-1995: Consensus-Building attempt I; 1996-2000: Consensus-Building attempt II; 2000-2004: Consensus-Building attempt III) are considered. By using interpreted models a la Graham Allison, the thesis applies the criteria produced by each model to help interpret the failure of consensus-building in these three historical periods. The thesis' conclusion then assesses the models' strengths and weaknesses, prompting interesting questions for further research in the near future.