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My dissertation examines three factors that influence women's workplace inequality: the Pregnancy Discrimination Act, the U.S. Supreme Court ruling in Meritor Saving Bank v. Vinson, and women "opting out" (i.e., voluntarily leaving) of work to take care of their families. Each of the three essays attempts to resolve one or more fundamental questions in the literature on women's workplace inequality. Additionally, each of these factors is described in its own essay, and these essays are presented in chronological order of the events they discuss. The first substantive chapter, Chapter Two, examines the association between the 1978 Pregnancy Discrimination Act (PDA) and women's employment rates, men's employment rates, and women's disadvantage in employment rates. The PDA declared pregnancy discrimination a type of sex-based discrimination, making it illegal under Title VII. Among other provisions, the PDA extended temporary disability benefits (TDB) to pregnant workers who were already covered by TDB for non-pregnancy-related conditions. This extension was designed to increase the likelihood of women's returning to work after giving birth. There is a debate within the literature on whether the PDA positively affected women, hurt women, or had no effect on women. This paper uses difference-in-difference modeling with Current Population Survey data from 1968 to 2010 to weigh in on this debate. There is a positive association between the PDA and the difference between men's and women's employment because it narrows the gap between women's and men's employment rates. However, the PDA had no effect on women's employment rates and a negative effect on men's employment rates. Chapter Three examines the association between wages and the 1986 U.S. Supreme Court decision in Meritor Savings Bank v. Vinson, which declared workplace sexual harassment illegal under Title VII of the 1964 Civil Rights Act. I test two hypotheses, a "naïve hypothesis," which argues that anti-sexual harassment policies increase women's wages, and a "critical hypothesis," which contends that these policies hurt or had no effect on women's wages. Using a difference-in-difference model with Current Population Survey data from 1977 to 2010, I find that there is a negative association between Meritor and women's wages. Furthermore, I find no association between Meritor and either men's wages or the gender wage ratio. Finally, Chapter Four examines the association between women opting out and socioeconomic status (SES). I explore two contrasting storylines within the opting out literature. The first storyline focuses on the lives of high-SES women and the likelihood that they opt out. The other storyline focuses on the lives of low-SES women and the likelihood that they opt out. It is important to note that neither storyline denies the existence of the other, but research that focuses solely on one class of women may miss a significant part of the story. Using the Current Population Survey from 1980 to 2009, I first describe the trends of opting out over this 30-year span. I then test six SES-related variables (education of spouse, education of respondent, household income, below poverty line, receive welfare income, and receive food stamps). I find that low-SES women are opting out at similar rates between 1980 and 2009, but the rates for high-SES women have declined. Additionally, I find overwhelming evidence that low-SES women are more likely to opt out. / Sociology

This study draws on social problems literature about rhetoric in claims-making and social movement literature about credibility in framing to understand the construction of YouTube abuse and relationships between member role in the community and their frames/the reception of those frames. I also draw on feminist, non-feminist, and postfeminist literature to understand how YouTubers incorporate feminism into their claims about why YouTube abuse is wrong. Here feminism refers to understandings of sexual harassment as stemming from gender inequality, and non-feminist understandings of sexual harassment refer to individualized and degendered violations of rights and power imbalances. Postfeminist literature informs this study in understanding how a feminist issue has been disassociated with gender inequality and individualized. Drawing on this literature, I conducted a content analysis of YouTube videos and the comment sections on these YouTube video webpages to address how the community members responded to the sexual harassment problem. First, how do the YouTubers describe the problem? Second, what explanations for why the behavior is wrong, do the YouTubers use? Options include portraying the issue using a more feminist frame of "gender equality," a post-feminist frame of gender-neutral "consent," or a gender-neutral frame of "power imbalance." Lastly, are there relationships between the YouTubers' position in the community and/or gender, their responses, and positive and negative comments left on the videos? Analysis supports that YouTubers did not connect the issue to feminism and that YouTubers' positions in the community relate to how they politicized the abuse and how much commentator support they received. / Master of Science

The procedural survey on sexual harassment procedures sent to 300 Texas principals had a response rate of 48.3 %. The mean score on the procedural survey for all 300 principals was 69.30 %. Eighteen research questions were addressed in detail in Chapter 4. Only five showed a significant correlation or effect size. Question 5 asked if there was a correlation between gender and the mean score of the survey instrument regarding sexual harassment procedures. The mean score of women was significantly higher than men. Question 6 asked if there was a correlation between the number of students in a school and the mean score of the survey instrument regarding sexual harassment procedures. This revealed that a significant correlation appeared between principals who worked at larger schools. Question 10 asked if there was a correlation between the location of the school, whether rural, urban, or metroplex and the mean score of the survey instrument. Principals of urban and metroplex schools scored significantly higher. Question 13 asked if there was a correlation between the hours of sexual harassment training attended in the last year and the mean score of the survey instrument regarding sexual harassment procedures. The results of this analysis revealed that a correlation approaching a medium effect size of .237 was present. Question 18 asked if there was a correlation between the total number of hours a principal had attended training and the mean score of the survey instrument. Neither the Pearson's correlation or the Spearman's rho was statistically significant. However, due to the large variation in responses on the sum of hours of training about sexual harassment, it was suspected that there might be a covariate accounting for sub-populations within the principals who participated in the survey. For ages 30-43.5, as the number of total training hours increased, the mean score on the survey instrument also increased. There was no significantly statistical significance between the other age groups and the mean score on the survey instrument. The other thirteen research questions did not show a significant correlation to the sexual harassment procedural survey instrument administered to Texas principals.

This thesis examines perceptions regarding sexual harassment, racial prejudice and drug misuse among USNA varsity athletes. Based on previous research, it was hypothesized that both gender and minority status would be predictive of perceptions regarding these behaviors among midshipmen and midshipmen athletes. The thesis also explores the relationship between indicators of athletic participation and experiences and perceptions regarding sexual harassment, racial prejudice and drug misuse. Data from 2735 midshipmen who responded to the USNA Values Survey and 723 midshipmen-athletes who responded to the NAAA Exit Survey were used for analyses. Results of regression analyses indicate that both gender and ethnicity were significant predictors of sexual harassment and racial prejudice but not drug misuse. Athletic status did significantly influence perceptions. Implications of these findings are discussed for

Sexual harassment in Cairo's public spaces is a symptom of infringement upon women’s rights in Egypt. Which is ingrained in the socioeconomic context, cultural, and traditional norms of the society. This grant proposal and background research proposes the construction of an extensive anti-sexual harassment infrastructure base in Egypt. The infrastructure platform is built on an evidence-based strategy and guided by recognized best practices. The platform is geared towards alleviating the symptoms of sexual harassment in Cairo's public spaces by constructing the urgently required, but currently missing, national mechanisms which are necessary to prevent, report, prosecute, and provide survivor services for victims of sexual harassment. In addition to the immediate perceived causes and effects of sexual harassment in Egypt there is also deep-rooted ecological factors that must be considered. These ecological factors, on an individual level, both biological and personal, include the fact that approximately 97% of Egyptian girls witness female gentile mutilation (FGM) in a publicized fashion between the ages 4 & 10. The practice of FGM, may have indoctrinated little boys and little girls, from an early age, that it is socially acceptable to inflict physical and psychological pain and suffering upon the female. FGM carried out at this age, as opposed to male circumcision, which is carried out during early infancy, allows for the neurological trauma that is generated leaves a lasting imprint. On a family level, 49% of adolescent rural girls marry before the age of 16. Marriage at this age is internationally recognized as sexual abuse, yet is common practice in rural Egypt. This practice sets a negative precedence for accommodating women's voices, this precedence may last a lifetime. On a community level, based on the most recent statistically significant surveys, approximately 70% of youth, both male and female, believe women are subordinate to men. This dictates that male must exercise control of resources and decision-making. And, that a girl must do what her brother says, even if he is younger. On a society level, 86% of surveyed male respondents indicated they would do “nothing” to try and stop sexual harassment if they witnessed it happening to a stranger in public. And finally, even from the moment they are born, the large majority of women in Egypt, because of religious dictates, inherit only half of what a male sibling would. Ceteris paribus, women in Egypt, just by virtue of being female, based on inheritance, are only able to afford a living standard, for themselves and their family that is only half as high as that of their male siblings living standard, unless of course their male sibling is benevolent enough to bestow upon them his own wealth. All these factors invariable, where they apply, undermine women's status in society and negatively impact attitudes of protecting women from harm and violence, in all its forms, which includes sexual harassment in public spaces.

Thesis (Ed.D.)--Mississippi State University. Department of Curriculum and Instruction. / Title from title screen. Includes bibliographical references.

This study looks at sexual harassment of women on the staff at Walter Sisulu University (WSU) in the Eastern Cape, a province in South Africa. The topic also has relevance for other institutions which fall under the Department of Higher Education and to the world of work generally where women are usually more vulnerable than men to this type of unsolicited attention. Despite the Labour Relations Act (LRA) of 1995 and the Employment Equity Act (EEA) Act 66 of 1995, sexual harassment is an insidious problem which often goes unreported. When permission was granted to conduct this study at WSU (see Appendix E), 25 female academics and 10 female members of the support staff agreed to participate. Qualitative research was the methodology used and included face-to-face interviews with the above individuals and also focus group interviews. Participants felt demeaned by the fact that gender was used as a form of social control. Patriarchal issues in society were seen to be linked to male domination and thus power and privilege for the perpetrators. In academia most disciplines now have feminist associations. The study draws from, and contributes to, bodies of knowledge that fall under gender studies: anthropology, history, sociology and psychology. In addition, there are references to the postmodern feminist theory, the radical feminist theory, and theories pertaining to sexual harassment. This is an effort to make a contribution to research on this type of chauvinism, and it is hoped that the findings, when published, will elicit appropriate action at WSU and in other affected environments where this scourge rears its head. / Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2011.

The purpose of this study is to investigate how the Swedish laws regulate the proactive work of employers to prevent employees from getting sexual harassed or harassed on the basis of sex. The purpose is also to investigate how employers are supposed to handle employees whom have been sexual harassed or harassed on the basis of sex. Sweden has a segregated labor market which means that women and men tends to select different professions. This leaves marks on the equality for women and men, which also has effect on the fact that women and men are being harassed in the workplace or situations associated with the work. By investigating genderresearch I am hoping to find out why more employees get sexual harassed or harassed on the basis of their sex in segregated professions. The definition of sexual harassment is unwanted behavior that alludes on sex, and thereby violates the person’s dignity. Harassment on the basis of sex, on the other hand, is unwanted behavior that violates a person’s dignity on the basis of the person’s sex. The person who gets sexual harassments or harassments on the basis of sex, has an obligation to make sure that the perpetrator knows that the behavior is unwanted. This is as long as the sexual harassments or harassments on the basis of sex is not considered as a gross violation. The employer has an obligation to prevent employees from getting sexual harassed or harassed on the basis of sex. In case a employee gets sexual harassed or harassed on the basis of sex by someone whom is working for the employer, it is the employers obligation to investigate the circumstances and take necessary actions. This obligation also involves the employer to take necessary actions to prevent any future sexual harassments and harassments on the basis of sex or retaliation. It is also the employers obligation, as an effort to make working places equal, to make an effort to get the underrepresented sex to seek employment at the employer. One of the reasons that sexual harassments and harassments on the basis of sex could be explained by looking back at Sweden’s history, where women always have been in a subordinate role to men. By “doing gender” in everyday activities, stereotypical ideals of how women and men are supposed to act are being maintained. The gender segregated professions creates norms and jargon that places the underrepresented sex in an exposed role.

Heinz Leymann betraktades som en pionjär i forskning om fenomenet vuxenmobb-ning redan på sjuttiotalet. Syftet var att undersöka vilka beteenden som ansågs vara mest kränkande med fokus på sexuella trakasserier och könstrakasserier bland an-ställda på ett mansdominerat näringslivsföretag. Dessutom att ta reda på om det finns ett samband mellan företeelser och scenarier. Faktorer som studerades utöver samband var kön, ålder utbildning och yrkeskategorier. Respondenterna var an-ställda på ett mansdominerat näringslivsföretag ( N = 396; 54 kvinnor och 236 män) med följande yrkeskategorier: 187 tjänstemän, 54 kollektivanställda, 44 konsulter. Alla var mellan 20 och 65 år. Enkäten innehöll två huvudfrågor, åtta företeelser och fem scenarier. Vissa av dem var relaterade till sexuella trakasserier och andra till könstrakasserier. Resultatet visade att företeelserna ignorerande och beröring, samt scenario beröring från chefen upplevdes som mest kränkande. Den äldre gruppen ansåg att scenarier som var relaterade till könstrakasserier upplevdes som kränkande, medan den yngre gruppen ansåg att företeelsen som var relaterad till sexuella trakasserier som kränkande. Män upplevde företeelser som var relaterade till könstrakasserier mer kränkande än vad kvinnorna gjorde. Resultaten visade att tjänstemän ansåg företeelser och scenarier som var relaterade till könstrakasserier och sexuella trakasserier kunde upplevas som kränkande mer än konsulter och kol-lektivanställda. Utifrån resultaten kan slutsatsen dras att flera företeelser ansågs vara kränkande när de förekom enskilt än i ett sammanhang. / Heinz Leymann is regarded a pioneer in research on adult bullying. The aim of this study was to examine which behaviors are considered to be the most insulting, with a focus on sexual harassment and gender harassment among employees in a male-dominated work sector. In addition to finding out if there is a connection between the phenomena and scenarios. The factors that were studied in addition to the con-text were gender, age, education and profession type. The respondents were em-ployees ( N = 396; 54 women and 236 men) with the following professions; 187 of-ficials, 54 public employees, and 44 consultants. All were between 20 and 65 years. The questionnaire consisted of two main questions, eight phenomena and five scenarios. Some of them were related to sexual harassment and others to gen-der harassment. The results showed that ignoring and touching, as well as scenario touch from the boss was regarded as the most insulting. The older group experi-enced scenarios that was related to gender harassment more insulting, while the younger group experienced phenomenon that was related to sexual harassment as more insulting. Men experienced phenomena which were related to gender harass-ment more insulting than women did. The results showed that officials were more offended by the phenomena and scenarios that were related to gender harassment than consultants and public employees. Based on the results, the conclusion is that several phenomena were considered to be offensive when they were alone but not when put in context.