Dozens of major cities around the world have launched large-scale waterfront redevelopment projects over the past fifty years. Absent from this list of noteworthy achievements, however, is Toronto, a case of grand ambitions gone horribly awry. Despite three extensive revitalization plans in the second half of the 20th century, Toronto’s central waterfront, an area roughly double the city’s central business district, has remained mired in political gridlock for decades. The purpose of this dissertation is to explain why this came to pass. Informed by extensive archival and interview research, as well as geospatial data analyzed using Geographic Information Systems software, the thesis demonstrates that above and beyond political challenges typical of any major urban redevelopment project, in Toronto, issues of land ownership — specifically, public land ownership — were pivotal in defining the scope and pace of waterfront planning and implementation. Few, if any, waterfront redevelopment projects around the world have been attempted amidst the same degree of public land ownership and jurisdictional fragmentation as that which plagued implementation efforts in Toronto. From 1961-1998, no less than 81% of all land in the central waterfront was owned by one public body or another, dispersed across a patchwork of public agencies, corporations, and special purpose authorities nestled within multiple levels of government. Such fragmentation, specifically across public bodies, added a layer of complexity to the existing intergovernmental dynamic that effectively crippled implementation efforts. It created a “joint-decision trap” impervious to conventional resolution via bargaining, problem solving, or unilateral action. This tangled political history poses a considerable challenge to conventional liberal, structuralist, and regime-based theories of urban politics derived from US experiences. It also highlights the limits of conventional implementation theory in the study of urban development, and calls into question longstanding interpretations of federal-provincial-municipal relations and multilevel governance in Canada.

Dozens of major cities around the world have launched large-scale waterfront redevelopment projects over the past fifty years. Absent from this list of noteworthy achievements, however, is Toronto, a case of grand ambitions gone horribly awry. Despite three extensive revitalization plans in the second half of the 20th century, Toronto’s central waterfront, an area roughly double the city’s central business district, has remained mired in political gridlock for decades. The purpose of this dissertation is to explain why this came to pass. Informed by extensive archival and interview research, as well as geospatial data analyzed using Geographic Information Systems software, the thesis demonstrates that above and beyond political challenges typical of any major urban redevelopment project, in Toronto, issues of land ownership — specifically, public land ownership — were pivotal in defining the scope and pace of waterfront planning and implementation. Few, if any, waterfront redevelopment projects around the world have been attempted amidst the same degree of public land ownership and jurisdictional fragmentation as that which plagued implementation efforts in Toronto. From 1961-1998, no less than 81% of all land in the central waterfront was owned by one public body or another, dispersed across a patchwork of public agencies, corporations, and special purpose authorities nestled within multiple levels of government. Such fragmentation, specifically across public bodies, added a layer of complexity to the existing intergovernmental dynamic that effectively crippled implementation efforts. It created a “joint-decision trap” impervious to conventional resolution via bargaining, problem solving, or unilateral action. This tangled political history poses a considerable challenge to conventional liberal, structuralist, and regime-based theories of urban politics derived from US experiences. It also highlights the limits of conventional implementation theory in the study of urban development, and calls into question longstanding interpretations of federal-provincial-municipal relations and multilevel governance in Canada.

本文以「歷史制度主義」為途徑，去分析毛澤東時期「二線分工」的運作與變遷。並就「歷史制度主義」的三個主要觀點，包括「路徑依賴」、「關鍵點」以及「漸續平衡」為架構，去鋪陳本文的論證。 首先，在「路徑依賴」上，本文認為因「民主集中制」的矛盾，使得中共政治在運作上，衍生出另一套非正式制度以修補之。而「二線分工」就是這套非正式制度，其目的是為了防制「民主集中制」的三項缺失，包括權力集中、非正式政治的影響以及政治繼承的危機。是故，只要中共堅持「民主集中制」，則「二線分工」就會成為一項路徑依賴，以修補「民主集中制」的缺失。毛時期「二線分工」的起點是在一九五六年九月的八大，該會決議重組中央書記處，以作為和中央政治局分工的機構。因此，開啟了毛時期「二線分工」的運作。 其次，在「關鍵點」的改變上，以一九五九年四月，毛辭去國家主席，退居政務二線為重要的關鍵。促成該關鍵點的成因上，可以「內因」和「外因」分別說明之。「內因」是起於反右運動、大躍進運動以來，逐步繁瑣的內政事務，使得毛決心辭去國家主席，以減輕工作負擔。「外因」則起於中蘇關係的惡化，使得毛有意識的了解培養革命繼承人的重要性，遂將劉少奇扶植至政務一線，以培養其接班能力。 最後，在「漸續平衡」上，在歷經一九五九年四月的「關鍵點」後，中共的「二線分工」運作由原來的「優勢政治」型演變為「權力平衡」型。在「關鍵點」之前，毛集黨務、政務一線於一身，可以直接參與黨務與政務決策的制定，因此呈現出以毛為主的「優勢政治」運作。但在「關鍵點」之後，毛雖仍居黨務一線，但因退居政務二線，所以大幅減少對於重要會議的直接參與，部分決策權轉移至劉少奇、鄧小平手中，故乃呈現出一、二線互為抗衡的「權力平衡」型。 本文在最後的結論，將討論毛時期立下的「二線分工」運作，對於後毛時期的延續性。此外，將提出中共政治的「二線分工」模式，以做為本論文的研究發現與研究成果。 / In the political regime of CCP, democratic centralism is the formal system of an organized form. “Two-front arrangement” is informal system, which is used to renovate three defects of democratic centralism, including the effects of informal system, power centralization, and the crisis of political successor. This article is used three concepts of ”historical institutionalism”, which are path dependence, critical juncture, and punctured equilibrium, to explain the transition of “two-front arrangement” in CCP. First, in the path dependence, “two-front arrangement” is a method used by CCP to repair the deficiency of democratic centralism. Second, the path of “two-front arrangement” was gone through two critical junctures of transition, one is the CCP twelve party congress in 1982, and two is the CCP sixteenth party congress in 2002. At last, the results of these critical junctures produced new punctured equilibrium . The work of “two-front arrangement” changed to patron-client type after the CCP twelve party congress and evolved to functional type after the CCP sixteenth party congress. The change of “two-front arrangement” is gradually evolving to some kinds of institutionalization. From the random type in Mao’s era, the patron-client type in Deng’s era, to the functional type in Jiang’s era, we can find that the “two-front arrangement” has remarkable function to repair three defects of democratic centralism as time went by. So we can take it as the formation of institutionalization. We analyze the “two-front arrangement” during Mao Zedong’s era. “First-front” leaders are those who participated in the policy-making process directly while leaders on the “second-front” are referred to those who only indirectly involved in the process. The article argues that the best way to identify leaders in their affiliation in the “two-fronts” division of work is to have a detailed breakdown on personnel in the highest decision-making bodies, the Politburo and the Central Secretariat. We divide Chinese leadership during Mao’s era into four categories according to official document and reputation and status of the leaders. The article further delineates the operation of the “two-front arrangement” according to the division of work between the party and the state, charisma of the leaders and formal institutions. At the end, we try to assess the impact of the “two-fronts” model on Chinese politics.

在探討委員會制度的理論之中，「形式理論」（formal theory）、「新制度論」（new institutionalism）與「資訊理論」（information theory）等三個理論為學者所廣泛討論。有別於「新制度論」中多以「理性選擇制度主義」（rational choice institutionalism）為主的論述，本文以「歷史制度主義」（historical institutionalism）為導引、新制度應用架構為基礎，建立以「人員組成方式」、「選舉制度」與「輔助立法機構」做為全國人民代表大會專門委員會的三項制約因素。各專門委員會的職權主要可以分為「審議權」、「提案權」、「調查研究權」等三個部分，而研究發現，全國人民代表大會專門委員會確實受到「委員會組成」、「選舉制度」與「輔助立法機構」等三項因素所制約。就制度功能而言，全國人民代表大會專門委員會在發展上的確面臨到三大挑戰：「委員會組成層級偏低」、「間接選舉制度降低選舉效率，導致選區難以與委員會做連結」、「委員會與其他立法輔助機構功能重疊」。

Submitted by Cristiane Oliveira (cristiane.oliveira@fgv.br) on 2011-05-26T14:43:25Z No. of bitstreams: 1 72070100770.pdf: 1157601 bytes, checksum: 1d3888d450999d88a856a92549764b8c (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Suzinei Teles Garcia Garcia(suzinei.garcia@fgv.br) on 2011-05-26T15:07:59Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 72070100770.pdf: 1157601 bytes, checksum: 1d3888d450999d88a856a92549764b8c (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Suzinei Teles Garcia Garcia(suzinei.garcia@fgv.br) on 2011-05-26T15:09:33Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 72070100770.pdf: 1157601 bytes, checksum: 1d3888d450999d88a856a92549764b8c (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2011-05-26T17:18:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 72070100770.pdf: 1157601 bytes, checksum: 1d3888d450999d88a856a92549764b8c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-02-23 / A pesquisa tem por objetivo explicar o processo político que resultou na configuração institucional do setor federal de transportes consubstanciado na Lei 10.233, de 2001, que reestruturou os transportes aquaviário e terrestre, criou duas agências reguladoras autônomas vinculadas ao Ministério dos Transportes e um conselho para propor políticas nacionais de integração dos diferentes modos de transporte, além do Departamento Nacional de Infraestrutura de Transportes. Utilizando-se a abordagem teórica do institucionalismo histórico da Ciência Política contemporânea e o método de comparação controlada com um caso contrastante, a saber, a reestruturação institucional do setor de telecomunicações, a análise mostra como a sequência do processo de reforma e a atuação do mecanismo de policy feedback delinearam um tipo de mudança institucional no setor de transportes caracterizado pela introdução de novas regras e organizações sobre as existentes, diferentemente da mudança no setor de telecomunicações, no qual foram removidas as antigas regras e organizações, substituindo-as por novas. / This research aims to explain the political process that resulted in the current institutional arrangement of the federal transportation sector in Brazil. The Federal Law 10233, of 2001, restructured water and land transportation; it created two autonomous regulatory agencies, a council to propose national policies to integrate the different modes of transport, and the National Department of Transport Infrastructure. Using the theoretical approach of historical institutionalism from contemporary Political Science and the method of controlled comparison between two contrasting cases, namely the cases of the telecommunication and transportation institutional reforms, the analysis concludes that the temporal ordering of the reform process and the mechanism of policy feedback had a significant impact on the outcomes of the transportation case, delineating a pattern of institutional change characterized by the introduction of new rules and organizations on top of existing ones, whereas in the telecommunication sector the institutional change was typified by the removal of existing rules and organizations and the introduction of new ones.

Submitted by Cristiane Oliveira (cristiane.oliveira@fgv.br) on 2011-06-13T15:05:02Z No. of bitstreams: 1 61080200034.pdf: 42011735 bytes, checksum: 13ca852a13e7fb007dc2246867ea246f (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Vera Lúcia Mourão(vera.mourao@fgv.br) on 2011-06-13T16:09:34Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 61080200034.pdf: 42011735 bytes, checksum: 13ca852a13e7fb007dc2246867ea246f (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Vera Lúcia Mourão(vera.mourao@fgv.br) on 2011-06-13T16:10:41Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 61080200034.pdf: 42011735 bytes, checksum: 13ca852a13e7fb007dc2246867ea246f (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2011-06-13T17:52:05Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 61080200034.pdf: 42011735 bytes, checksum: 13ca852a13e7fb007dc2246867ea246f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-05-11 / For over 30 years, Brazil has developed specific policies to foster computer industry. Goals and institutional frameworks have been outlined for the sector, since the National Informatics Policy of the 70’s, going through the Market Reserve Period of the 80’s, until nowadays, when Informatics Communication Technologies (ICT) are seen as prioritary area for Industrial Policy. Among the current goals, we can highlight the focus on increasing exports of software products and services. However, despite these claims, the country exports on the field haven’t been particularly expressive at the global market. On the other hand, India, which, just as Brazil, is also considered an emerging economy portrayed on the list of BRIC, was responsible for exporting about USD$47 billion in software and IT services by 2009, emerging as a global player for the sector. The implementation of a sophisticated activity such as software industry in a developing country like India definitely calls our attention. Certainly, legal-institutional arrangements were implemented at that country. Which? To what extent such arrangements helped the development of Indian industry? What about Brazil? This paper assumes that the legal-institutional framework developed at the countries have established different knowledge flows, leading to different development paths for each software industry. The generic goal of this research is to investigate how, among other socio-economic factors, these legal-institutional arrangements have outlined different knowledge flows. For the matter, legal-institutional framework is considered as all regulation that establishes institutions, policies and conditions to a particular subject. This paper also assumes that the software industry is based on knowledge-intensive activities. Therefore, the analysis will focus on legal-institutional arrangements that had and/or still have influence over knowledge flows directly related to software industry, thus, trade policies (export and import, property rights, etc) and investment policies for innovation developed in India and Brazil to foster the sector. The goal is not to take India as the ideal model to be followed by Brazil, or even to exhaust the question of what would be an ideal public policy for this sector, which would mean going beyond a legal-institutional analysis. The key question to be faced is not if the State has a developmental role, but what are the different types of State involvement that can be observed and what are its effects. To reach these goals, in addition to literature reviews, a fieldwork was developed at India (Delhi, Mumbai, Bangalore) and Brazil (São Paulo, Brasilia and Rio de Janeiro), where interviews were conducted with enterprises and software associations, policy makers and academics who study the industry. / Há mais de 30 anos o Brasil tem desenvolvido políticas específicas para o setor de informática, desde a Política Nacional de Informática da década de 70, passando pelo Período de Reserva de Mercado dos anos 80 e, nos dias de hoje, em que as Tecnologias de Informação e Comunicação (TIC) são tidas como uma das áreas prioritárias na Política Industrial. Dentre as metas atuais, destaca-se o foco na ampliação do volume de exportações de software e serviços. Contudo, apesar dessas pretensões, o país não tem tido destaque internacional expressivo para o setor. Por outro lado, a Índia, também considerada como um país emergente, figurando na lista dos BRIC, foi responsável pela exportação de cerca de US$47 bilhões em software e serviços de Tecnologia da Informação (TI) em 2009, se destacando como um país protagonista no mercado internacional do setor. A implementação de uma indústria tecnicamente sofisticada como a do software, que exige um ambiente propício à inovação, em um país em desenvolvimento como a Índia chama a atenção. De certo existiram arranjos jurídico-institucionais que foram utilizados naquele país. Quais? Em que medida tais arranjos ajudaram no desenvolvimento indiano do setor? E no Brasil? Este trabalho parte da hipótese de que o ambiente jurídico-institucional desses países definiu fluxos de conhecimento distintos, influenciando o tipo de desenvolvimento do setor de software de cada um. Averiguar como, entre outros fatores sócio-econômicos, esses arranjos jurídico-institucionais influenciaram na conformação diversa de fluxos de conhecimento é o objetivo específico desta pesquisa. Entende-se aqui como ambiente jurídico-institucional todas as regulamentações que estabelecem instituições, diretrizes e condições comuns para determinado tema. Partindo do pressuposto de que o setor de software desenvolve atividades intensivas em conhecimento, para cada país em questão, serão analisados apenas arranjos jurídico-institucionais que tiveram, ou têm, poder de delimitar o fluxo de conhecimento referente ao setor, sejam eles provenientes de políticas comerciais (de exportação e importação, ou de propriedade intelectual) ou de políticas de investimento para inovação. A questão fundamental ultrapassa o debate se o Estado deve ou não intervir, para focar-se na análise sobre os diferentes tipos de envolvimento observados e quais os seus efeitos. Para tal, além de revisão bibliográfica, foi feita uma pesquisa de campo na Índia (Delhi, Mumbai, Bangalore) e no Brasil (São Paulo, Brasília e Rio de Janeiro), onde foram conduzidas entrevistas com empresas e associações de software, gestores públicos e acadêmicos que estudam o setor.

The European common currency, the euro, is in crisis. Bad news about indebted governments and economic recession has continuously outperformed itself since 2009/2010 and kept the European Union and its member states in suspense. It is up to them to combat the crisis. This master thesis deals with the European sovereign debt crisis (“euro crisis”) and tries to allow a better understanding of how the crisis has been managed by governments at the European level. A special focus is put on decision-making in the crisis, posing the research question “How can the decision-making of the EU in the euro crisis be understood?”. To solve this research problem, three different approaches are applied: liberal intergovernmentalism, historical institutionalism and cognitive institutionalism. Each of them adds different aspects to the analysis, gives answers from its respective point of view and thereby widens the overall picture that evolves. The design of the thesis is a case study with the euro crisis as a special case of decision-making and crisis management. Official documents and statements, expert interviews, scholastic, expert, and journalistic analyses are employed as basic research material. It has been uncovered that, powerful states, especially Germany and France, have bargaining advantages during crisis decision-making. However, the decision-making is constrained by institutional aspects (rules, norms and values). Stress factors deriving from the crisis situation facilitate group dynamics that appeared at least partially during the ongoing crisis.

The target of this research is to reveal causal factors that influence the way policy goals and instruments of international organizations in the domain of human trafficking are designed. By tracking evolutions of anti-trafficking policies undergone by the Council of Europe and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, the thesis demonstrates impact of specific factors on changes in the functioning of international organizations. To unravel mechanism explaining the internal workings of a policy formation within an IO, the thesis considers and tests theoretical assumptions of three rivalling theories on institutions; the realism, historical institutionalism and neoliberal institutionalism. Premises of respective theories, which offer contrasting perspectives on the functioning of international organizations, will help to formulate corresponding independent variables. The dependant variable being the changing design of institutions, the detailed cross-case analysis spanning a period of one decade uncovers causal relations between independent dependent variables. Thus, by means of time series data collection, patterns revealing which of independent variables can be designed as responsible for observed changes becomes visible. In this way, the study is able to answer to what extent...

This Research is aimed at becoming a theoretical contribution to the field of European Integration Theory and IR for two reasons. Firstly, this Research proposes the theoretical perspective of Talcott Parsons from sociology and organizational research to scholars within IR Theory. By employing the historical institutionalist and social constructivist IR perspectives and Parsons's 'four-function paradigm' theory, scholars can identify the two effects of a successful institutional design of international political organizations such as the EU: effectiveness and a good public reputation. The Literature Review in Chapter 2 is a theoretical discussion about compatibility of the Parsonians concepts of 'adaptation', a 'holistic approach to policymaking', 'success', and the 'European institutional design' with the European Integration Theory and IR fields. The same Chapter stresses the need to consider the 'ideas' of political leaders in analysing change of institutional design. The second reason for which this Research is a contribution to IR theory is the presentation of eight specific strategies that are likely to generate an organization's success. The eight strategies are institutional conditions making up the 'eight-condition model' of Charles Edquist. This Research adopts an objective and deductive approach that applies the Parsonians theory and the Edquist's 'eight-condition model' to empirical data about European institutions in a cross-sectional and longitudinal research design in the Analysis Chapters 4, 5, and 6. A 'holistic innovation policy approach' to supranational policymaking is employed by the Researcher for the salient circumstances of success to be identified, in order to guide data collection and analysis. The results show that success occurred three times: fully, in the years between 1945 and 1958 and from 1959 to 2002, and partially from 2003 until our days. The concepts of 'adaptation', 'success', 'ideas', the 'four-function paradigm' theory of Parsons and the 'eight-condition model' of Edquist are discussed and ultimately claimed to be both epistemologically compatible and methodologically valid for studies about the success of European integration in the Discussions and Conclusions Chapter.

Diploma thesis "Social Housing in the Czech republic - a story of one law" deals with an issue of attempting to adopt a law of social housing in the Czech Republic. The thesis is based on historical institutionalism approach that identifies institutions as the essential factors on development of an enviroment where the formulations of design of the social housing policy come from. The analytical part follows a pattern of social constructivism and applies the features of discoursive analysis. The conclusions drawn from the analysis indicate that there are two dominant discoursive frames which influence the public policy debates on how to deal with the problem of non-existence of social housing in the Czech Republic. One discoursive frame points out the liberal perspective which is based broadly speaking on economical calculus and importance of individual deservedness. The second - social - frame promotes the principles of social cohesion and solidarity with the most vulnerable groups in society. These perspectives influence the shapes of suggested policy arrangements that are presented as a solution of an inaccesability of housing for specific groups in society and most likely determine possible controversions in the future.