Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, Santa Cruz 2003. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 143-153).

Thesis (J.S.D.)--Cornell University, 1990. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 215-233).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Rutgers University, 2005. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 219-237).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, Santa Cruz, 1997. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 237-245).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--George Washington University, 2000. / Includes bibliographical references.

Orientador: Daniela Magalhães Prates / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-12T19:42:53Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Damasceno_AderbalOliveira_D.pdf: 5041435 bytes, checksum: e63ee07c5fdd4f1fe401b36016f53f0f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008 / Resumo: O objetivo desta Tese é realizar uma análise crítica da abordagem convencional acerca das relações entre Integração Financeira Internacional, fluxos internacionais de capitais e crescimento econômico nas economias nacionais. Pretende-se responder às seguintes questões: existe consenso relativo aos fundamentos teóricos suficiente para fundamentar a hipótese de que a Integração Financeira Internacional e os fluxos internacionais de capitais estimulam o crescimento econômico? As evidências empíricas corroboram a hipótese de que a Integração Financeira Internacional e os fluxos internacionais de capitais estimulam o crescimento econômico? A análise da literatura teórica, realizada no Capítulo 1, explicita a ausência de consenso teórico e a fragilidade dos fundamentos teóricos quanto à hipótese de que a Integração Financeira Internacional e os fluxos internacionais de capitais estimulam o crescimento econômico. A análise da literatura empírica, realizada no Capítulo 2, mostra que as evidências existentes não são suficientes para corroborarem a hipótese de que a Integração Financeira Internacional e os fluxos internacionais de capitais estimulam o crescimento econômico. Por fim, no Capítulo 3, faz-se uma ampla investigação econométrica acerca das relações entre Integração Financeira Internacional, fluxos internacionais de capitais e crescimento econômico para uma amostra de países representativa da economia global e uma amostra de países em desenvolvimento. As evidências econométricas apresentam um padrão claro: i) não há evidências de que a Integração Financeira Internacional e a importação líquida de capitais estimulam a taxa de convergência condicional; ii) não há evidências de que a Integração Financeira Internacional estimula o crescimento de longo prazo do PIB per capita, mesmo em países com alto nível de desenvolvimento institucional, alto nível de desenvolvimento financeiro, alto nível de abertura comercial e ambiente macroeconômico estável; iii) não há evidências de que fluxos internacionais de capitais estimulam o crescimento de longo prazo do PIB per capita, mesmo em países com alto nível de desenvolvimento institucional, alto nível de desenvolvimento financeiro, alto nível de abertura comercial, alto estoque de capital humano e ambiente macroeconômico estável. / Abstract: The goal of this dissertation is to develop a critical analysis of the conventional approach regarding the relationship between International Financial Integration, International Capital Flows and Economic growth for national economies. The idea is to provide answers to the following questions: is there sufficient consensus relative to theoretical fundaments to sustain the hypothesis that the International Financial Integration and international capital flows stimulate economic growth? Empirical evidence corroborate the hypothesis that International Financial Integration and international capital flows foster economic growth? The theoretical literature analysis developed in Chapter 1 clarifies the absence of a theoretical consensus and the fragility of theoretical fundaments regarding the hypothesis that International Financial Integration and international capital flows foster economic growth. The empirical literature analysis developed in Chapter 2 reveals that the existing evidences are not sufficient to corroborate the hypothesis that International Financial Integration and international capital flows stimulate economic growth. Finally, on Chapter 3 develops a wide econometric investigation on the relationships between International Financial Integration, international capital flows and economic growth for a sample of countries that are representative of the global economy and a sample of developing countries. The econometric evidence reveals a clear pattern: i) there is no evidence that International Financial Integration and net import of capitals foster the conditional convergence rate; ii) there is no evidence that International Financial Integration stimulate the long run per capita GDP growth, even for countries with high levels of institutional and financial development, trade openness and stable macroeconomic environment; iii) there is no evidence that international capital flows stimulate the long run per capita GDP growth, even for countries with high levels of institutional and financial development, trade openness, human capital stock and stable macroeconomic environment. / Doutorado / Teoria Economica / Doutor em Ciências Econômicas

Magister Legum - LLM / This study was on the anticipated impact of GATS on the financial services industry in Africa. The paper examined the possible positive and negative impact of the GATS agreement on the financial services industry in the African countries. The research focused on the banking sector and the insurance sector as the main financial sectors under investigation. / South Africa

The Ressano Garcia Border Post on the Mozambique side and the Lebombo Border post on the South African side represent the link between two of the three Maputo Corridor countries that receives the largest amount of freight traffic along the Corridor. The link has been identified as a major obstacle to the free movement of goods. As a result the process of the establishment of a One Stop Border Post was mooted by the former president Thabo Mbeki and his counter-part in Mozambique Mr. Joaquim Chissano in a bilateral agreement between these two countries. The reasons for these developments are prompted by the protracted problems that have beset intra-regional trade. For example, transport infrastructure in the region imposes significant costs on intra-regional and regional trade transactions. Long delays at border posts add to the intra-regional trade costs. The requirements by the 1996 SADC trade protocol, the basis of the FTA — that member states eliminate non-tariff barriers — poses special problems as it represents different things to different SADC member states. Addressing the SADC summit on 16 August 2006, the then South African President Thabo Mbeki said “the launch of the FTA was much more than a simple acknowledgement that the majority of traded goods in the region are duty-free. Rather we should view the achievement of this milestone as a major step towards addressing the fundamental challenges of poverty and underdevelopment through deeper integration and economic development” (Mbeki, 2006:16). Now that there will be one centre that clears all the documents for the transporters this will effectively culminate in the speedy processing of the documents. There will be no need for the transporters to stop at the other country’s customs offices to do the same job. Once the documents are complete the process is complete, because the barriers are removed between the two countries.

No description available.

L’ouverture de l’économie colombienne, décidée en 1990, fut présentée comme un promoteur de croissance et développement sur la base des exportations (et des Investissements Directs Etrangers). Cette thèse soutient que l’ouverture n’a pas été décidée afin de favoriser la croissance et le développement et que ces deux phénomènes n’ont pas été à la hauteur de ce qui était anticipé. Ce résultat est fondé sur une analyse en termes d’Economie Politique Internationale : les relations de pouvoir peuvent être utiles pour répondre à des questions d’ordre économique. Le premier chapitre montre que les caractéristiques structurelles de l’économie colombienne rendaient son ouverture impropre à générer croissance et développement sur la base des exportations. Cette proposition s’appuie sur l’analyse de la compétitivité sectorielle et des carences institutionnelles de l’économie colombienne, ainsi que sur l’accroissement potentiel des inégalités spatiales de développement suite à l’ouverture. Le deuxième chapitre s’attache alors à mettre en évidence que l’ouverture répond à des objectifs propres aux Etats-Unis. Ces objectifs sont à dominante économique (typiquement la création des débouchés extérieurs et l’accès à des matières premières) ou politique (lutte contre les guérillas d’inspiration communiste dans le cadre de la politique étrangère américaine). Le deuxième chapitre expose une série des moyens à la disposition des Etats-Unis afin d’obtenir l’ouverture du gouvernement colombien de l’époque. Ces moyens vont de la coercition (par exemple la menace de sanction) à la légitimation (favoriser l’élection d’un gouvernement pro-ouverture). Le troisième chapitre montre que l’ouverture n’a pas instauré un régime de croissance fondé sur les exportations. Au contraire, elle a instauré un régime instable fondé sur une dynamique spéculative sur les actifs immobiliers à partir des flux de capitaux étrangers venant nourrir l’achat de ces actifs à crédit. Lorsque ces capitaux finissent tôt ou tard par manquer, de tels achats sont pénalisés et viennent interrompre la dynamique. Celle-ci ne peut plus tirer la croissance via des effets d’entrainement du secteur de la construction sur le reste de l’économie. Mais pris au piège de la relation de pouvoir exercée par les Etats-Unis, le gouvernement colombien n’a pas cherché à stabiliser la conjoncture. Il a dû privilégier les dépenses en équipement militaire américain pour lutter contre les guérillas colombiennes. L’intensification subséquente du conflit armé a accentué la violence au sein du territoire. Il en résulta la destruction d’infrastructures, ainsi qu’une migration de travailleurs qualifiés. La récession en a été d’autant plus accentuée. Ainsi l’ouverture débouche-t-elle sur la pire crise économique du XXème siècle en Colombie, avec une récession de -5% en 1999. Le quatrième chapitre enquête sur les changements des structures de production et d’échange suite à l’ouverture, pour ainsi montrer que ces changements n’ont que peu favorisé le développement. La Colombie tend à négliger sa spécialisation internationale historique dans le café et la plupart des cultures transitoires (blé, riz, orge, sorgo, coton, etc.) pour privilégier d’autres cultures dont les effets positifs sur le développement sont moindres. Bien que les hydrocarbures et d’autres matières brutes bénéficient d’un certain potentiel d’exportation, le développement des territoires où l’extraction a lieu reste faible. Se pose en outre un problème de soutenabilité de l’extraction. Enfin, si l’industrie manufacturière a pu croitre au rythme du régime de croissance, elle le doit à la protection dont elle bénéficie encore dans le cadre du traitement différentiel des pays en développement à l’Organisation Mondiale du Commerce et moins aux opportunités d’exportation données par l’ouverture. Le jour où ce traitement sera diminué voire supprimé, toute une partie de l’économie colombienne est menacée. / The opening of the Colombian economy, decided in 1990, was supposed to promote a new model of growth and development based on exports (and Foreign Direct Investment). This dissertation argues that the opening was not made in order to promote growth and development, and that these two phenomena did not live up to what was expected. This result is based on an International Political Economy approach: taking into account power relationships may give a better explanation of economic phenomena. The first chapter shows that the structural characteristics of the Colombian economy made its opening unable to generate growth and development. This assertion is based on the analysis of the lack of competitiveness and of the institutional flaws of the Colombian economy, as well as on the potential increase in the spatial inequalities of development resulting from the opening. The second chapter thus highlights that the opening aimed at achieving some objectives peculiar to the United States. These objectives are made of economic considerations (typically the access to foreign markets and to raw materials) as well as political ones (dealing with the threats caused by Marxist guerrilla groups within the framework of the American foreign policy). This second chapter explains a series of means at the disposal of the United States to obtain the opening. These means go from coercion (such as sanction threats) to legitimation (to give rise to a Colombian pro-opening government). The third chapter shows that the opening did not lead to an export-led growth. On the contrary, it led to an unstable growth regime. The latter is based on the foreign capital flows. The latter feed the purchase of real estate assets by credit. The housing sector is thus stimulated, which in turn stimulates other economic activities, within the framework of spill-over effects. However, when foreign capital flows lack, real-estate asset purchases are penalized, thus preventing the expansion of the housing sector and eventually of aggregate production itself (spill-over effects no longer work). However, given the power relationship exercised by the United States, the Colombian government had to purchase American military equipment massively, in order to fight against the Colombian guerrillas. By doing so, the economic policy could not stabilize the economy at that time. Besides, the subsequent intensification of the conflict increased the violence within the Colombian territory, thus leading to the migration of skilled workers and to the destruction of infrastructures. The recession had thus been exacerbated. This scenario occurred a few years after 1990, resulting in the worst economic crisis of the 20th century in Colombia with a -5 % recession in 1999. The fourth chapter questions the changes followed by the production and exchange structures because of the opening, to show that these changes did not really contribute to development. Colombia tends to neglect its historic international specialization in coffee and other cultures like wheat, rice, barley, sorghum or cotton, to privilege other cultures whose positive effects on development are lower. As regards the industries of extraction of raw materials (in particular hydrocarbons), they are oriented toward exportation but they promote few development. In addition, the Colombian productive system may lack of this type of input in the future. Finally, if the manufacturing industry was able to increase at the rate of the growth regime, it owes it to the protection still remaining with the differential treatment for developing countries in the World Trade Organization, and less to the export opportunities given by the opening. When this treatment will be eliminated or at least decreased, a whole part of the Colombian economy will be threatened.