O objetivo desta dissertação é efetivar um estudo de casos acerca da atuação das três principais organizações terroristas islamitas atuantes na região da Caxemira, uma região disputada por Paquistão e Índia, no período que vai de 1989 a 2009. O conflito pela Caxemira persiste há pouco mais de seis décadas e pelo seu domínio foram travadas duas grandes guerras, em 1947-1948 e em 1965, alguns conflitos efêmeros e embates recorrentes. Como resultado prático dos conflitos, o território da Caxemira foi dividido entre os contendores, tendo por referência limítrofe uma Linha de Controle reconhecida bilateralmente em 1972. A hipótese que orienta a dissertação defende que, seguindo as diretrizes de uma estratégia de política externa do Paquistão, de Guerra por Procuração, em finais dos anos oitenta atores privados religiosos fundamentalistas islâmicos passaram a atuar no conflito utilizando técnicas de ataque terrorista contra autoridades e população civil habitantes da porção caxemir administrada pela Índia. Ademais, estas organizações receberam o patrocínio e foram controladas pelo principal Serviço Secreto militar paquistanês, o ISID – Diretoria de Serviços de Inteligência Interligados. Assim, contando com o respaldo de setores do Estado paquistanês, como o referido Serviço Secreto, estas organizações terroristas aumentaram seu poder relativo dentro do Paquistão e no contexto regional da Ásia Meridional, trazendo problemas relacionados ao incremento da ingovernabilidade do poder central e das disputas sectárias no Paquistão, bem como, a disseminação da ação terrorista transnacional no subcontinente indiano e no Oriente Médio. / This dissertation presents a case study on the performance of three major Islamic terrorist organizations operating in the region of Kashmir, a region disputed by Pakistan and India from 1989 to 2009. The conflict over Kashmir lasts for more than six decades now and two major wars were fought over its control, in 1947-1948 besides other ephemeral conflicts and clashes. As a practical result of conflict, the territory of Kashmir has been divided between the contenders, the 1972 Line of Control being a reference frontier acknowledged bilaterally. The hypothesis that guides the dissertation argues that, following the guidelines of a Pakistani foreign policy strategy, the “war by proxy”, civil religious Islamic fundamentalists started, in the late eighties, to launch terrorist attacks against authorities and the civilian population of the territory under Indian control. These organizations received the patronage and were controlled by the main military Secret Service of Pakistan, the ISID - Inter-Services Intelligence Directorade. With the support of sectors of the Pakistani state, such as the Secret Service, these terrorist organizations have increased their relative power within Pakistan and in the regional context of Southern Asia, bringing problems related to a growing crisis of governability and sectarian disputes in Pakistan, as well as the spread of transnational terrorist action in the Indian subcontinent and the Middle East.

O objetivo desta dissertação é efetivar um estudo de casos acerca da atuação das três principais organizações terroristas islamitas atuantes na região da Caxemira, uma região disputada por Paquistão e Índia, no período que vai de 1989 a 2009. O conflito pela Caxemira persiste há pouco mais de seis décadas e pelo seu domínio foram travadas duas grandes guerras, em 1947-1948 e em 1965, alguns conflitos efêmeros e embates recorrentes. Como resultado prático dos conflitos, o território da Caxemira foi dividido entre os contendores, tendo por referência limítrofe uma Linha de Controle reconhecida bilateralmente em 1972. A hipótese que orienta a dissertação defende que, seguindo as diretrizes de uma estratégia de política externa do Paquistão, de Guerra por Procuração, em finais dos anos oitenta atores privados religiosos fundamentalistas islâmicos passaram a atuar no conflito utilizando técnicas de ataque terrorista contra autoridades e população civil habitantes da porção caxemir administrada pela Índia. Ademais, estas organizações receberam o patrocínio e foram controladas pelo principal Serviço Secreto militar paquistanês, o ISID – Diretoria de Serviços de Inteligência Interligados. Assim, contando com o respaldo de setores do Estado paquistanês, como o referido Serviço Secreto, estas organizações terroristas aumentaram seu poder relativo dentro do Paquistão e no contexto regional da Ásia Meridional, trazendo problemas relacionados ao incremento da ingovernabilidade do poder central e das disputas sectárias no Paquistão, bem como, a disseminação da ação terrorista transnacional no subcontinente indiano e no Oriente Médio. / This dissertation presents a case study on the performance of three major Islamic terrorist organizations operating in the region of Kashmir, a region disputed by Pakistan and India from 1989 to 2009. The conflict over Kashmir lasts for more than six decades now and two major wars were fought over its control, in 1947-1948 besides other ephemeral conflicts and clashes. As a practical result of conflict, the territory of Kashmir has been divided between the contenders, the 1972 Line of Control being a reference frontier acknowledged bilaterally. The hypothesis that guides the dissertation argues that, following the guidelines of a Pakistani foreign policy strategy, the “war by proxy”, civil religious Islamic fundamentalists started, in the late eighties, to launch terrorist attacks against authorities and the civilian population of the territory under Indian control. These organizations received the patronage and were controlled by the main military Secret Service of Pakistan, the ISID - Inter-Services Intelligence Directorade. With the support of sectors of the Pakistani state, such as the Secret Service, these terrorist organizations have increased their relative power within Pakistan and in the regional context of Southern Asia, bringing problems related to a growing crisis of governability and sectarian disputes in Pakistan, as well as the spread of transnational terrorist action in the Indian subcontinent and the Middle East.

O objetivo desta dissertação é efetivar um estudo de casos acerca da atuação das três principais organizações terroristas islamitas atuantes na região da Caxemira, uma região disputada por Paquistão e Índia, no período que vai de 1989 a 2009. O conflito pela Caxemira persiste há pouco mais de seis décadas e pelo seu domínio foram travadas duas grandes guerras, em 1947-1948 e em 1965, alguns conflitos efêmeros e embates recorrentes. Como resultado prático dos conflitos, o território da Caxemira foi dividido entre os contendores, tendo por referência limítrofe uma Linha de Controle reconhecida bilateralmente em 1972. A hipótese que orienta a dissertação defende que, seguindo as diretrizes de uma estratégia de política externa do Paquistão, de Guerra por Procuração, em finais dos anos oitenta atores privados religiosos fundamentalistas islâmicos passaram a atuar no conflito utilizando técnicas de ataque terrorista contra autoridades e população civil habitantes da porção caxemir administrada pela Índia. Ademais, estas organizações receberam o patrocínio e foram controladas pelo principal Serviço Secreto militar paquistanês, o ISID – Diretoria de Serviços de Inteligência Interligados. Assim, contando com o respaldo de setores do Estado paquistanês, como o referido Serviço Secreto, estas organizações terroristas aumentaram seu poder relativo dentro do Paquistão e no contexto regional da Ásia Meridional, trazendo problemas relacionados ao incremento da ingovernabilidade do poder central e das disputas sectárias no Paquistão, bem como, a disseminação da ação terrorista transnacional no subcontinente indiano e no Oriente Médio. / This dissertation presents a case study on the performance of three major Islamic terrorist organizations operating in the region of Kashmir, a region disputed by Pakistan and India from 1989 to 2009. The conflict over Kashmir lasts for more than six decades now and two major wars were fought over its control, in 1947-1948 besides other ephemeral conflicts and clashes. As a practical result of conflict, the territory of Kashmir has been divided between the contenders, the 1972 Line of Control being a reference frontier acknowledged bilaterally. The hypothesis that guides the dissertation argues that, following the guidelines of a Pakistani foreign policy strategy, the “war by proxy”, civil religious Islamic fundamentalists started, in the late eighties, to launch terrorist attacks against authorities and the civilian population of the territory under Indian control. These organizations received the patronage and were controlled by the main military Secret Service of Pakistan, the ISID - Inter-Services Intelligence Directorade. With the support of sectors of the Pakistani state, such as the Secret Service, these terrorist organizations have increased their relative power within Pakistan and in the regional context of Southern Asia, bringing problems related to a growing crisis of governability and sectarian disputes in Pakistan, as well as the spread of transnational terrorist action in the Indian subcontinent and the Middle East.

This study examined the frames used by the U.S. print media -- The New York Times, The Washington Post and the Los Angeles Times -- in their coverage of the Kashmir conflict and the parties involved in it from 1989 to 2003. It divided the 15-year period of coverage into four phases -- 1989-1990, 1991-1998, 1999-2001, and 2002-2003 -- and focused on the coverage of seven subjects. It then identified sources and keywords from 180 news reports and placed them into categories from which it isolated thematic clusters or frames. The study found that in the first two phases, the conflict was described as a violent Kashmiri separatist movement, a frame that changed to one depicting it as ongoing violent conflict between India and Pakistan. In all phases, Kashmiris were predominantly identified as armed militants fighting for secession of Kashmir from India, a goal that decreased in prominence in the last two phases. India was depicted initially as a country suppressing the rebellion in Kashmir through violent means with the help of its armed forces, a frame that shifted later to a military force fighting Pakistani troops and non-Kashmiri Islamic fighters. Pakistan was consistently identified as a country supporting the Kashmiri separatist movement with arms and training,and later as a country itself participating in the conflict through its military. The United States was consistently described as a country concerned with peace and security in South Asia. The dominant frames in all periods were found to be portraying the conflict as a war and in the last two phases, a potential nuclear war. The Indians, Pakistanis and Kashmiris were always characterized through their religious identities -- Indians as Hindu, and Pakistanis and Kashmiris as Muslim or Islamic. Official sources were consistently greater in number than unofficial sources for India, Pakistan and the United States but for Kashmiris, unofficial sources scored over official ones in all four periods.

Univ., Diss.--Köln, 1999.

This thesis is the study of the relationship between individuals and communities in the context of racialised minorities in the United Kingdom. The research examines the ways in which individuals belonging to the Kashmiri community articulate and manifest 'Kashmyriat' in conditions of diaspora. Specifically, the research is an investigation of the core features of Kashmiri identity. These were selected as being identifications based on culture, religion and the territorial identification with the land of Kashmir, the nature of culture conflict between individuals and community and differences between generations of Kashmiris and the role of gender identity in 'Kashmyriat'. The central premise is that identity is constantly updated, multiple and redefined in relation to contextual changes through a process of enculturation. Results of the research suggest that culture, religion and territorial identification with the land of Kashmir are central core features of Kashmiri identity in Luton. The younger generation appear to be maintaining a distinct and separate identity based partly on shared culture, religion and terrirotial identification with the land of Kashmir with the older generation whilst they are redefining their identity in response to the contexts in which they have been born and brought up. Gender identities appear to be less significant as part of overall identity development. Theoretically the thesis is an exploration of identity and its relationship to cultural identity among migrants. In this thesis I rely on qualitative ethnographic work as well as the quantitative research methodology of Identity Structure Analysis (ISA) to try and draw a textured analysis of Kashmiri identity transformation in the wake of immigration to Luton. Using the notion of enculturation the thesis sets out to deepen and make this concept more academically rigorous. Enculturation is deployed as a means to understanding the process of identity transformation. Results of the research suggest that culture, religion and affiliation with the land of Kashmir. Whilst they share the first two with other South Asian ethnicised communities in the United Kingdom it appears that the territorial affiliation with the land of Kashmir which can be translated as political identity is currently their self-defined identity. This is marking the Kashmiris as a national community whose individuals and collectivities centre their identity on 'Kashmyriat'.

Contentieux délicat entre l’Inde et le Pakistan, les deux États issus de la Partition de l’Empire britannique des Indes en 1947, la question du Cachemire est un imbroglio inextricable. Scindé par une ligne de contrôle, le territoire de l’ancien État princier du Jammu-et-Cachemire est le symbole d’une Partition inachevée pour Islamabad tandis qu’il représente l’invalidation pratique de la Théorie des deux Nations pour New Delhi. Depuis 1947, la complexité des réalités religieuses et linguistiques du territoire du Jammu-et-Cachemire tend à s’effacer face au jeu des constructions idéologiques antagonistes des deux États qui le contrôlent. Des convictions opposées se transmettent de génération en génération dans l’opinion publique des deux pays, aboutissant à une opposition jusqu’ici irréconciliable des mémoires indienne et pakistanaise. En outre, les frontières stratégiques du Cachemire, ouvertes sur l’Asie centrale, représentent un impératif absolu en tant que limite septentrionale de ce qui peut être considéré comme les néo-empires indien et pakistanais. L’évolution des représentations des frontières de l’État princier du Jammu-et-Cachemire, depuis la seconde moitié du 19ème siècle jusqu’à sa partition en janvier 1949, constitue un héritage décisif dans le développement des représentations géopolitiques indiennes, pakistanaises mais aussi et surtout dans celles des habitants de la Vallée du Cachemire et des autres sous ensembles himalayens qui composaient l’État princier. / The Kashmir problem is a sensitive bone of contention between India and Pakistan, the two states stemming from the Partition of the British Empire in India in 1947. Split into two parts by a line-of-control, the territory of the Princely State of Jammu and Kashmir has been for Islamabad a symbol of the unfinished Partition, whereas for New Delhi it represents, for all intents and purposes, the revocation of the Two Nations Theory. Since 1947, the complexity of religious and linguistic realities of the Jammu and Kashmir territory tends to be downplayed in the ideological formulations of the two antagonistic States that control it. This confrontation between India and Pakistan in Kashmir crystallizes opposing convictions which are passed on from one generation to the next in both countries, thereby sanctioning the differences between the Indian and Pakistani national memories. Moreover, Jammu and Kashmir has strategic borders with Central Asia which constitute a hard and fast imperative for both, as the northern border of what could be called the Indian and the Pakistani neo-empires. Since the second half of the 19th century until its partition in January 1949, the evolution of the presentation of the borders of the Princely State of Jammu and Kashmir constitute a decisive legacy in the way the geopolitical presentations have evolved in India and Pakistan as well as in the Valley of Kashmir and in the others Himalayan entities which had formerly made up the Princely State of Jammu-and-Kashmir.

This thesis seeks to explain, via four key reasons, the shifting role that women have played in the self-determination movement in Kashmir over time. It focuses on the rise of young women in stone-pelting protests, analyzed through the lens of recent events that have triggered protests, the role of Islamism with regards to women in Kashmir, and the role of young women in the conflict generation. More importantly, the author analyzes the protests of women who have lost family members to enforced disappearances at the hands of the state. It is found that these women use a political strategy that upholds the politics of respectability and relies on the visual, which young women in stone pelting protests also rely on to highlight their cause.

Much has been written on the connections between philosophy and religion in ancient India. Most has been written on the connection between orthodox Hindu religion and orthodox Hindu philosophy, or Buddhist religious practice and Buddhist philosophy. But the religious tradition of which Utpaladeva was a member was not orthodox and its sacred scriptures, the non-dualist Śaivite Tantras, were taught only in secret initiatory sects. And Utpaladeva is one of the very few Tantric philosophers who does not propound his views in the form of a commentary upon one of the Tantras themselves. Utpaladeva's philosophy is not intended solely for members of his own esoteric cult, it is written "for the benefit of mankind", to convince those of differing religions and philosophical persuasion that the world view expounded in the non-dualist Śaivite Tantras is the only correct one. Thus although Utpaladeva quotes from the Tantras in his Īśvarapratyabhijňākārikās, he attempts to establish the identity of the self with Śiva by independent philosophical argument (tarka). The principal philosophical view which Utpaladeva is concerned with refuting is that of the Buddhist Dharmakīrti. Dharmakīrti's views were expounded in Kashmir c.800 A.D. by Dharmottara, who founded the "Kashmir School" of Buddhist commentary. Even the orthodox brahmin Ānanandavardhana, author of the Dhvanyāloka treatise on poetics, wrote a commentary on Dharmottara's Pramāṇaviniścayaṭīka. The other important expositor of Dharmakīrti's views in Kashmir was Śaṅkaranandana, also a brahmin, who is said (by the Buddhists) to have been converted to Buddhism by Dharmakīrti's brilliant logic. Abhinavagupta refers to Śaṅkaranandana several times in his commentaries on Utpaladeva's work, accepting Śaṅkaranandana's refutation of the philosophical views of the other schools.

The presented master's thesis titled The Power Rivalry between China and India: Managing the Buffer Zone between the Two States examines the strategic behaviour of China and India with respect to the buffer zone located around their common border. In recent years, it is possible to observe a higher intensity or tension in the mutual relations of China and India on both the regional, as well as global level. In regard to China and India, the buffer zone located near their common border is a distinctive factor of strategic importance that influences the dynamics within mutual Sino-Indian relations. The main pillars of the analysis of China's and India's policy towards each other and towards the common buffer zone present in the thesis are offensive and defensive realism in combination with the geopolitics of buffer zones. From the analytical point of view, the thesis divided into two parts. The first part of the analysis focuses on the common Sino-Indian border and adjacent areas, and whether it is possible to characterized them as the buffer zone. The second part concentrates specifically on China and India and their policies, not just towards each other, but towards the buffer zone as well. Regional interactions of China and India are analysed especially from the perspective of offensive and...