Th.--Eco.--Göteborg--Göteborg Universitet, 2002. / Notes bibliogr. Cette thèse comprend 5 parties distinctes paginées séparement.

Habilitation Schrift--Heidelberg--Universität, [1988]. / Bibliogr. p. 333-345.

Reproduction de : Thèse de doctorat : Science politique : Paris 8 : 2008. / Titre provenant de l'écran-titre. Bibliogr. f. 457-465.

Th.--Droit--Paris 10, 1978. / Soutenue sous le titre : Économie de la traverse, essai d'analyse dans un cadre néo-autrichien.

Diss. Staatswissenschaften : Bonn : 1979. - Bibliogr. p. 293-321. -

Texte remanié de: Th. doct.--Sci. écon.--Nancy, 1994. / Bibliogr. p. 313-315.

Diss.--Philosophische Fakultät--Saarbrücken--Universität des Saarlandes, 1992. / Bibliogr. p. 518-535.

Thèse ou mémoire avec insertion d'articles. / Comment des organisations externes ou étrangères, notamment des organisations non gouvernementales, les agences des Nations Unies et les coopérations bilatérales, agissent pour influencer l'émergence d'une politique publique de santé dans un pays en développement à parti unique est un domaine peu connu. Cette thèse vise à explorer l'interface entre le gouvernement et les acteurs externes lors de l'émergence et l'implantation d'une politique publique dans un pays à parti unique à travers un cas traceur : la politique nationale sur la nutrition au Laos. Les objectifs spécifiques poursuivis dans ce travail sont les suivants : 1) Étudier la valeur-ajoutée pour les pays à parti unique, de l'utilisation d'un abord théorique développé pour les pays pluralistes et communément utilisé dans les études sur les acteurs impliqués dans l'émergence de politiques publiques nationales ; 2) Caractériser l'influence des acteurs externes sur l'émergence d'une politique publique dans un pays à parti unique : le cas de la politique nationale sur la nutrition du Laos ; 3) Caractériser l'évolution du profil d'influence d'acteurs externes à la suite de l'émergence de cette politique. Cette thèse se compose de trois études. La première étude a pour but d'évaluer si l'Advocacy Coalition Framework, un cadre théorique développé pour les pays pluralistes et communément utilisé dans les études de l'émergence de politiques publiques, est pertinent pour l'étude de politiques publiques dans les pays à parti unique. Une revue de la littérature a été menée sur l'utilisation du cadre dans les études réalisées dans les pays pluralistes (Sabatier & M.Weible, 2007). Dix-neuf documents ont été identifiés. Ils étaient basés sur des études menées en Chine, au Laos et au Vietnam. La deuxième étude vise à explorer la coalition d'acteurs externes et les stratégies qu'elle a déployées pour influencer l'émergence de la politique nationale de nutrition. L'Advocacy Coalition Framework et le modèle conceptuel des stratégies de plaidoyer efficaces pour influencer la politique nutritionnelle du gouvernement ont été utilisés pour encadrer la collecte des données et leur analyse. La troisième étude explore l'évolution du paysage de la coalition contre la malnutrition avant et après l'émergence de la politique nationale de nutrition au Laos en 2008, sur la base de la théorie de la structuration des coalitions (Lemieux, 1998). Les sources d'information pour les deux dernières études étaient des entretiens semi-structurés réalisés avec des acteurs gouvernementaux et externes, ainsi que tous les documents pertinents disponibles sur la politique nutritionnelle au Laos. La première étude a permis de constater que l'Advocacy Coalition Framework est une approche théorique puissante pour mettre en évidence la dynamique d'interaction entre des coalitions qui existent dans les pays non-pluralistes et pour mettre en évidence leur spécificité. La deuxième étude a montré que l'engagement du gouvernement à atteindre les Objectifs du Millénaire pour le Développement et à quitter le statut de pays le moins avancé a créé une condition favorable à l'émergence de la politique nationale de la nutrition au Laos. Ce contexte a été un moteur pour la construction d'une coalition efficace et convaincante d'agences des Nations Unies capables d'accompagner le gouvernement dans la redéfinition des priorités sanitaires. La coalition a utilisé diverses stratégies à cette fin, notamment la production, la diffusion et l'utilisation de preuves scientifiques, l'assistance au gouvernement par le biais d'un budget et d'une expertise technique, l'offre d'opportunités pour les décideurs d'apprendre des autres pays, et l'établissement de relations avec l'acteur clé. La troisième étude a documenté qu'avant l'émergence de la politique nationale de nutrition, trois coalitions représentant les secteurs de la santé, de l'agriculture et de l'éducation existaient. L'émergence de la politique nationale de nutrition a fourni au gouvernement un outil politique efficace pour fusionner les trois coalitions en une coalition unique impliquant toutes les parties prenantes dans le domaine de la nutrition. Les trois forces qui incitent les acteurs à collaborer au sein d'une coalition (transactions, contrôle, facteurs intangibles) ont été mobilisées dans la création d'une seule grande coalition. La coalition unique a été un outil puissant pour mettre en œuvre des interventions efficaces reconnues dans le domaine de la nutrition au Laos, qui n'auraient vraisemblablement pas pu être mises en œuvre avant l'émergence de la politique nationale de nutrition. / How external or foreign organizations, in particular non-governmental organizations, United Nations agencies and bilateral cooperation, act to influence the emergence of a public healthpolicy in a one-party developing country is a little-known subject. This thesis aims to explorethe interface between the government and external actors during the emergence and implementation of a public policy in a one-party country through a tracer case: the national policy on nutrition in Laos. The specific objectives pursued in this work are as follows: 1)To study the added value for one-party countries of the use of a theoretical approach developed for pluralist countries and commonly used in studies on the actors involved in the emergence of national public policies; 2) Characterize the influence of external actors on theemergence of a public policy in a one-party country: the case of the national policy onnutrition in Laos; 3) Characterize the evolution of the influence profile of external actors following the emergence of this policy.This thesis consists of three studies. The first study aims to assess whether the Advocacy Coalition Framework, a theoretical framework developed for pluralistic countries and commonly used in studies of the emergence of public policies, is relevant for the study of public policies in the countries single party. A review of the literature was conducted on the use of the framework in studies carried out in pluralist countries (Sabatier & M.Weible, 2007). Nineteen documents were identified. They were based on studies conducted in China, Laos and Vietnam. The second study aims to explore the coalition of external actors and the strategies they deployed to influence the emergence of the national nutrition policy. The Advocacy Coalition Framework and the conceptual model of Effective Advocacy Strategies for Influencing Government Nutrition Policy were used to frame the data collection and their analysis. The third study explores the changing landscape of the coalition against malnutrition before and after the emergence of the national nutrition policy in Laos in 2008, based on the theory of coalition structuring (Lemieux, 1998). The sources of information for the last two studies were semi-structured interviews conducted with governmental and external actors, as well as all relevant documents available on nutrition policy in Laos. The first study showed that the Advocacy Coalition Framework is a powerful theoretical approach to highlight the dynamics of interaction between coalitions that exist in non pluralistic countries and to highlight their specificity. The commitment of the government to achieve the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) and to leave the Least Developed Country status created a favorable condition to support the emergence of the NNP in Laos.This context was a driving force for building an effective and convincing coalition of United Nations agencies able to accompany the government in redefining health priorities. The coalition has used a variety of strategies to this end, including generating, disseminating and using scientific evidence, assisting the government with a budget and technical expertise, providing opportunities for decision-makers to learn from other countries, and building relationships with the key actor. The third study documented that prior to the emergence of the national nutrition policy, three coalitions representing the health, agriculture and education sectors existed. The emergence of the National Nutrition Policy provided the government with an effective political tool for coalescing the three coalitions into a unique coalition involving all the stakeholders in the nutrition field. All three forces that stimulate actors to collaborate in a coalition (transactions, control, intangible factors) were mobilizedin the creation of one large coalition. The single coalition has been a powerful tool to implement recognized effective nutrition interventions in Laos that could not be implemented before the emergence of the National Nutrition Policy.

La gauche marocaine a connu le même sort que les autres partis et organisations de gauche dans la majorité des pays arabes. Elle n’a pas su répondre aux aspirations populaires et transformer ses slogans en révolution en vue de conquérir le pouvoir. Après avoir porté le flambeau de l’opposition pendant des décennies, la gauche marocaine a progressivement perdu son ancrage auprès des masses populaires ainsi que son rôle de lutte contre le despotisme et l'oppression. En outre, elle a perdu son rôle social de défenseur des intérêts des travailleurs et des classes défavorisées. D’une force politique redoutable appuyée par des organisations étudiantes et syndicales, la gauche lutte pour sa survie. Elle n’a pas réussi à résister aux stratégies d’usure du régime qui a forcé certains membres des courants de gauche à abandonner leurs principes et à devenir des collaborateurs de l’autoritarisme. L’attitude adoptée par certains partis politiques de gauche durant le soulèvement populaire de 2011 est révélatrice de la fracture qui existe entre ces partis et la société civile. Outre leur rôle marginal et limité dans le Mouvement du 20 février dont le programme et les valeurs s’identifiaient pourtant aux idéaux de la gauche, certains dirigeants de partis ont manifesté de vives critiques et oppositions aux manifestants. Ils ont clairement exprimé leur refus de soutenir les revendications de ce mouvement qu’il sont qualifié de suspect. Ces soulèvements, à l’instar de ceux qui ont marqué l’histoire politique moderne du Maroc, ont dévoilé au grand jour l’incapacité des partis et des organisations de gauche à avoir une résonance auprès des bases populaires. Ce mémoire consiste à analyser les principaux facteurs qui sont derrière le repli de la gauche marocaine. / The Moroccan Left has faced the same fate as leftist parties and organizations of other Arab countries. It has failed to respond to the popular aspirations and transform its slogans into a revolution and conquer power. After having been the torchbearer of opposition for decades, the left-wing has gradually lost its anchorage amongst the masses and its role of fighting against despotism and oppression. Moreover, it lost its social role as a representative of the interests of the workers and proletarian class. After being a formidable political force supported by students and union organizations, the left is now fighting for its survival. It failed to resist to the regime wear and tear strategies that forced some members of the current left to abandon their principles and become collaborators of the authoritarianism. The attitude shown by some left-wing political parties during the popular upheaval of 2011 is a signal of the rupture between these left-wing parties and civil society. In addition to its marginal and limited role in the February 20th Movement which claims were close to the program and values defended by leftists, some leaders of left-wing parties manifested strong criticism and opposition to the protesters. They expressed clearly their rejection to support the movement’s demands and described theFebruary 20th Movement as suspicious. These popular uprisings like those that have marked the modern political history of Morocco, have revealed the inability of the parties and groups affiliated to the Left to appeal to popular bases. The aim of this thesis is to analyze the objective and subjective causes of the regression of the Left inMorocco.

“What is Europe's role in this changed world? Does Europe not, now that is finally unified, have a leading role to play in a new world order, that of a power able both to play a stabilising role worldwide and to point the way ahead for many countries and peoples?” These were two of the central questions put by the Laeken Declaration, adopted by the European Council in December 2001. The Declaration offered the beginning of an answer, pointing out the direction for future policy developments, and for the institutional reform underpinning them: “The role it has to play is that of a power resolutely doing battle against all violence, all terror and all fanaticism, but which also does not turn a blind eye to the world's heartrending injustices. In short, a power wanting to change the course of world affairs…A power seeking to set globalisation within a moral framework.” At the same time, the Laeken Declaration pointed out some more specific questions concerning the institutional innovations required to enhance the coherence of European foreign policy and to reinforce the synergy between the High Representative for CFSP and the relevant Commissioners within the RELEX family. With a view to a better distribution of competences between the EU and Member States, on the basis of the principle of subsidiarity, the text mentioned the development of a European foreign and defence policy first, and referred more particularly to the scope for updating the ‘Petersberg’ tasks of crisis management, a policy domain that would take a pivotal place in the consolidation of ESDP and CFSP at large. This Declaration marks the beginning of the process of regime reform that covers the last three years of common foreign and security policy (CFSP) of the European Union. This evolution, and the innovations that it has brought about in institutional and normative terms, are the subjects of this thesis. The Convention on the future of Europe, set up by the Laeken Declaration, represented an important stage in the pan-European debate on the objectives, values, means and decision-making tools of CFSP. The US-led intervention in Iraq in March 2003 marked a new ‘critical juncture’ in the development of the conceptual and institutional bases of CFSP. As it was the case in the past, following major policy failures in the course of the Balkan wars, Member States sought to mend the rift that divided them in the run up to the Iraq war. In so doing, Member States agreed on a significant degree of institutional reform in the context of the Convention and of the subsequent Inter-Governmental Conference (IGC). The creation of the new position of a double-hatted Foreign Minister, as well as the envisaged rationalisation and consolidation of the instruments at his/her disposal, including a new European External Action Service (EAS), is a primary achievement in this perspective. On the defence side, a new formula of ‘permanent structured cooperation’ among willing and able Member States has been included in the Treaty Establishing the European Constitution (Constitutional Treaty), with a view to them undertaking more binding commitments in the field of defence, and fulfilling more demanding missions. Right at the time when the Iraq crisis was sending shockwaves across the political and institutional structures of the Union, and of CFSP in particular, the first ESDP civilian mission were launched, soon followed by small military operations. The unprecedented deployment of civilian and military personnel under EU flag in as many as 13 missions between 2002 and 2005 could be achieved thanks to the development of a new layer of policy-makign and crisis-management bodies in Brussels. The launch of successive ESDP operations turned out to be a powerful catalyst for the further expansion and consolidation of this bureaucratic framework and of the conceptual dimension of CFSP/ESDP. Most importantly, these and other dimensions of institutional and operational progress should be set in a new, overarching normative and political framework provided by the European Security Strategy (ESS). Needless to say, institutional innovations are stalled following the rejection of the Constitutional Treaty in the French and Dutch referenda of May/June 2005. With a view to the evolution of the CFSP regime, however, I argue in this thesis that the institutional reforms envisaged in the Constitutional Treaty are largely consistent with the unfolding normative and bureaucratic features of the regime. As illustrated in the course of my research, the institutional, bureaucratic and normative dimensions of the regime appear to strengthen one another, thereby fostering regime deepening. From this standpoint, therefore, the stalemate of institutional reform does slow down the reform of the international regime of CFSP but does not seem to alter the direction of its evolution and entail its stagnation, or even dismantling. On the contrary, I maintain that the dynamics of regime change that I detect will lead to stronger, endogenous and exogenous demands for institutional reform, whose shapes and priorities are to a large extent already included in the Constitutional treaty. This vantage point paves the way to identifying the trends underlying the evolution of the regime, but does not lead to endorsing a teleological reading of regime reform. As made clear in what follows, CFSP largely remains a matter of international cooperation with a strong (although not exclusive) inter-governmental component. As such, this international regime could still suffer serious, and potentially irreversible, blows, were some EU Member States to openly depart from its normative coordinates and dismiss its institutional or bureaucratic instances. While this scenario cannot be ruled out, I argue in this thesis that this does not seem the way forward. The institutional and normative indicators that I detect and review point consistently towards a ‘deepening’ of the regime, and closer cooperation among Member States. In other words, it is not a matter of excluding the possibility of disruptions in the evolution of the CFSP regime, but to improve the understanding of regime dynamics so as to draw a distinction between long-term trends and conjunctural crises that, so far, have not undermined the incremental consolidation of CFSP/ESDP. Central to this research is the analysis of the institutional and normative features of the CFSP regime at EU level. The focus lies on the (increasing) difference that institutions and norms make to inter-governmental policy-making under CFSP, in the inter-play with national actors. The purpose of my research is therefore threefold. First, I investigate the functioning and development of the bureaucratic structures underpinning the CFSP regime, since their establishment in 2000/2001 up to 2005. This theoretically informed review will allow me to highlight the distinctive procedural and normative features of CFSP policy-making and, subsequently, to assess their influence on the successive stages of reform. Second, I track and interpret the unprecedented processes by which innovations have been introduced (or envisaged) at the institutional and normative level of the regime, with a focus on the Convention on the future of Europe and on the drafting of the European Security Strategy. Third, I assess the institutional and normative output of this dense stage of reform, with respect both to the ‘internal’ coherence and the deepening of the regime, and to the ‘external’ projection of the EU as an international actor in the making. On the whole, I assume that a significant, multidimensional transition of the CFSP regime is underway. The bureaucratic framework enabling inter-governmental cooperation encourages patterned behaviour, which progressively generates shared norms and standards of appropriateness, affecting the definition of national interests. In terms of decision-making, debate and deliberation increasingly complement negotiation within Brussels-based CFSP bodies. Looking at the direction of institutional and policy evolution, the logic of ‘sharing’ tasks, decisions and resources across different (European and national) levels of governance prevails, thereby strengthening the relevance of ‘path-dependency’ and of the ‘ratchet effect’ in enhancing inter-governmental cooperation as well as regime reform.