Thèse--Paris.

Thesis (Ph.D.) - University of Queensland, 2001. / Includes bibliography.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1963. / Typescript. Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis--Cologne. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 1067-1118).

Thesis (M.Phil.) - University of Queensland, 2006. / Includes bibliography.

Thesis (M.S.)--Oregon State University, 2008. / Printout. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 105-109). Also available on the World Wide Web.

The history of the disposal of Crown lands in British Columbia is in reality the history of the economic development of the province. It covers the progress of British Columbia from its days as a hunting and trading preserve of the Hudson's Bay Company through its brief colonial period and formative years as a province down to its years of rapid settlement and development in the decade before 1913. Once the colonial period had passed, the attack upon the natural resources began in earnest. So rich and abundant did those resources of land, mine, forest, and water prove that British Columbia found itself launched into an industrial era almost before adequate legislation had been framed to deal with its land and resources. Legislation was necessary to guide the economic progress of the province and to establish regulations governing the disposal of Crown land and its appurtenant resources of mineral, timber, and water. The laws were framed always with a view to accomplishing three things - encouraging settlement, forestalling speculation, and securing revenue. Since in every case the basis of provincial legislation was to be found in the proclamations and ordinances framed from 1858 to 1864 by Governor Douglas, a survey of colonial regulations is needed to clarify subsequent policy. To assist him in framing proclamations for guiding the progress of the two colonies, Douglas looked to the Colonial Office, the terms under which the Hudson’s Bay Company had held Vancouver Island, and his own judgment. The first regulations adhered closely to principles laid down by the Colonial Office. Douglas was carefully instructed to ward off speculation in public lands by making beneficial use of the criterion of alienation. No agricultural land was to be pre-empted other than by bona fide settlers. Land was not to be sold without some guarantee that it would be improved. Timber leases were to be granted only to the operators of saw Mills. Miners could not divert water from streams unless it was needed at once. By 1871 the principle of beneficial use had been so thoroughly established in law that it was never thereafter abandoned. Practice, however, was at variance with principle and until the McBride ministry had devised adequate administrative machinery after 1909 little could be done to enforce regulations. Secondly, Douglas was instructed to reserve certain rights to the Crown. Gold, wherever found, was so reserved; by 1913, silver, coal, natural gas, and oil had been added. Land for government purposes was similarly reserved to the Crown. As for other principles, Douglas found he could not enforce them in the face of existing conditions. Sale of land by auction did not work, nor did insistence upon immediate payment. Neither principle could prevail for long. To secure money, Douglas soon discovered he must dispose of lands on easy terms. Had the Colonial Office seen fit to heed Douglas's plea to lend credit to the new Pacific colonies to relieve them of the pressing need for money, the subsequent wholesale alienation of large tracts of the best land at very low prices would have been unnecessary. Beneficial use, sale only by auction, cash sales, and survey prior to alienation could all have been firmly established and carefully supervised. As it was, British Columbia did none of these things and indeed, became the only province in Canada where land could be alienated prior to survey. Prom 1871 to 1913 British Columbia followed the pattern set in colonial days. The only reason the province retained ninety per cent of the timber stands was that, before legal safeguards were enacted, timber was regarded more as a nuisance than as an asset. But the necessity for securing revenue by selling or otherwise disposing of Crown lands on as easy terms as possible established a pattern of thinking that was to see the reckless alienation of millions of acres of land to railway promoters between 1883 and 1900. Much of the land was later repurchased. And because of the difficulties which arose between the Dominion and the province over jurisdictional conflicts stemming from the presence of a forty-mile strip of land through the heart of the province granted in exchange for rail connections with eastern Canada, enough ill-feeling was engendered to make the allotting of Indian reserve lands one of the most vexed problems In provincial history. Crown lands in unlimited quantity were disposed of to land and timber speculators and railway promoters from 1871 to 1900. Not until 1900 did provincial governments begin to question the wisdom of such wholesale alienation. Land was so eagerly sought from 1905 to 1913 that effective machinery was finally devised to regulate its disposal on terms most favourable to the province. Pre-emptions were inspected, water rights were clarified, timber lands were placed under reserve for sale of the timber by auction only, extensive surveys of agricultural lands were made, and settlement was at last directed to areas served by communication facilities. By 1913 Crown lands and their natural resources were recognized for what they were - priceless expendable assets and the people’s heritage - no longer to be disposed of heedlessly but rather to be conserved for posterity. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

The marginal fringe region of Canada is an agricultural area which is near the environmental and economic limits for commercial agricultural production. Combinations of physical factors and social and economic influences result in an area that experiences dramatic shifts in land use and agricultural development. Government policy is, however, a potentially significant controlling and stabilizing factor in the region's development. It is therefore fundamentally important that government plan its diverse functions and responsibilities in the marginal fringe to ensure an effective, equitable and efficient allocation of society's scarce resources. This thesis analyses existing planning programs for the development of agriculture on Crown land in Canada's marginal fringe region. It seeks to determine whether these programs have the potential to ensure the efficient and equitable development of agricultural land. This thesis also addresses the problem of how we should effectively develop our shrinking supply of undeveloped arable land and whether existing planning programs adequately address the major issues in the development process. The methods of investigation include a series of three case studies: St. John's, Newfoundland; Fort Nelson, British Columbia and; Fort Vermilion, Alberta. The case studies are analysed using a framework based on an idealized planning process developed in-the first chapter. This framework is applied to representative planning exercises in each case in order to illustrate the overall planning program's strengths and weaknesses. Based on this broad analysis, I present, in conclusion, the most crucial questions for developing effective planning programs in the marginal fringe and apply these questions to the cases studied. Official reports and surveys, detailed correspondence, personal and telephone interviews, and first-hand experience form the basis for analysis in the case studies. A literature review is the basis for the contextual elements developed in Part I of this thesis. The results of this study raise a number of concerns about existing planning programs for the agricultural development of Crown land in the marginal fringe, particularly in British Columbia and Newfoundland. The crucial issues for developing effective planning programs in the marginal fringe include the need for a clearly articulated, stable yet flexible, program focussing on the marginal fringe region. The agricultural lead agency's involvement is crucial for these programs. Further questions consider how well environmental factors are inventoried, evaluated and communicated to decision-makers; whether adequate socio-economic assessments are permitted; if alternative resource development options to agriculture are considered; whether government programs related to agricultural development are effective or whether they are inconsistent with planning program objectives, and whether the public understand and support the planning program. Planning the agricultural development of Crown land in the marginal fringe is in its infancy. Sudden changes to programs, as in British Columbia, and funding deadlines, as in Newfoundland, are harmful to the efficient and effective development of frontier resources and they erode government credibility. Some jurisdictions, such as Alberta, are making rapid strides in applying many of the traditional planning techniques, although social and economic assessment is very weak or absent altogether in each of the programs studied. Usually, decisions are based on a narrow assessment of environmental factors and there are often significant gaps in essential data, especially climate. Alternative resource development options to agriculture are seriously considered only in British Columbia. Only in Alberta has the vital element of public support begun to be appreciated. Elsewhere, public involvement is, more or less, neglected or mishandled. In conclusion, this thesis raises a number of issues requiring future research, related mainly to socio-economic assessment and planning program development. Also a series-of more detailed normative principles are offered for the improvement of planning programs for the agricultural development of Crown land in the marginal fringe. / Applied Science, Faculty of / Community and Regional Planning (SCARP), School of / Graduate

Immediately following the 1971 upland game season a questionnaire booklet was mailed to 2076 Utah farmers and ranchers (landholders) in five southern and six northern counties. Approximately 50 percent were returned containing usable Information. Five categories of hunter access restriction were considered: 1) fee systems, 2) leases to private clubs, 3) pheasant hunting units, 4) posting ''Hunting by Permission Only," and 5) posting "No Hunting" or "No Trespassing. " Restriction of hunter access to private property occurred twice as frequently in northern counties as in southern counties. Nearly six of every ten northern landholders had an active hunter restriction program. Sixteen demographic and attitude variables were compared with landholder restriction practices. Ten variables were significantly related to landholder restriction practice at the 90 percent level or higher. These relationships suggest the landholder's prime motivation for restricting hunter access was his desire to protect his investment in buildings, equipment, livestock or crops. Restriction practices compared between northern and southern landholders showed that stringent hunter restrictions resulted from concentrated hunter activity characteristic of densely populated, industrialized areas. Landholders, invited to suggest alternate conditions under which bunters could gain access to restricted land, pointed out that the single most important condition was for the hunter to request permission from the landholder to hunt. Approximately 88 percent of northern and 91 percent of southern landholders favored the concept of hunting. A Likert five-point Attitude Index, used to· assess landholders' attitudes toward hunting, showed landholders in northern industrial counties (Salt Lake, Utah, Weber) scored 39. 9 of 55.0 possible points. Landholders in northern agricultural counties (Cache, Box Elder, Tooele) scored 40. 9 points . Southern landholders socred 41. 0 points. Students T-tests between landholder categories (HILl = u 2 and a= 0. 05) revealed no significant differences. There was no significant relationship between a landholder's attitude score and his hunter restriction policy. Attitude toward hunting was important in determining by what methods landholders restricted hunter access. Landholders with low attitude scores (unfavorable or undecided) tended to post "No Hunting" or "No Trespassing." Those with favorable attitudes tended to use the "Hunt by Permission Only" restriction.

Civil society is a widely discussed concept, often proposed as a means to address problems associated with a weakening of the social fabric. Nearly all civil society literature works from the notion that creating more or richer discourse around any given issue will help build agreement about the key values and in so doing, civil society will emerge. What this literature has not yet turned its attention to is, what is necessary for a strong social bond, which is a prerequisite for the possibility of social discourse in the first place, to exist. Historically, the social bond has been built on common religious, cultural and/or political perspectives. However, the constitutive power of the institutions that comprise each of these areas has diminished substantially. This research draws on concepts developed in the field of environmental psychology to understand how place can serve as the basis for the development of a social bond and subsequent emergence of civil society. Two concepts drawn from environmental psychology -- place attachment and place identity -- are used to demonstrate how individuals and groups become connected to place, and how such a connection shapes and contributes to social relations. Specifically, this study contributes to the body of civil society literature by illuminating how a public agency can foster the development of the social bond by drawing explicitly and symbolically on place and in doing so, contributes to the emergence of civil society -- or on the other hand, fails to foster it as effectively as it could by being attentive to the role that place can play in creating the social bond. / Ph. D.