Esta pesquisa tem como objetivo estudar a atuação do Movimento 19 de Abril (M-19), grupo guerrilheiro colombiano fundado em 1973, e que realizou suas primeiras ações armadas em 1974. Em 1990, o M-19 depôs as armas e transformou-se num partido político, ajudando a escrever uma nova Constituição na Colômbia. Ao longo do trabalho, analisamos mais de 50 fontes primárias (jornais, boletins informativos e documentos internos produzidos pelos guerrilheiros). O estudo sobre o M-19 permite um duplo movimento: de um lado, observar como os guerrilheiros fazem a releitura da História da Colômbia, através de uma forte disputa simbólica pelo passado, que inclui personagens como Simón Bolívar e Jorge Gaitán; de outro, compreender como certas permanências, que remontam ao século XIX, ressurgem nas ações do M-19. Levantamos a hipótese de que, na Colômbia, o sistema político mantem-se permanentemente bloqueado para os de fora, e discutimos ainda as relações entre esquerda e democracia, procurando entender se o M-19 foi de fato renovador como se pretendia, ou se dialogava com as tradições de esquerda dominantes na América Latina da segunda metade do século XX. Esta dissertação adota a perspectiva de uma História Política renovada, em que a narrativa não é dominada (apenas) pelos fatos políticos miúdos, mas permite compreender movimentos de longa duração da cultura política colombiana, favorecendo também a reflexão sobre a democracia e a América Latina. / This research aims to study the 19th of April Movement (M-19), the Colombian guerrilla group created in 1973 that held its first armed actions the following year. In 1990, the M-19 laid down arms and became a political party, helping to write Colombia\'s new Constitution. Throughout the research we analyzed more than 50 primary sources (newspapers, newsletters and internal documents produced by the guerrillas). On the one hand, we observe how the guerrillas reread the past of Colombia, in a symbolic dispute that brings forward characters such as Simón Bolívar and Jorge Gaitán; on the other, we understand how certain features of the past, dating back to the nineteenth century, resurface in the M-19\'s actions. We hypothesize that, in Colombia, the political system is permanently locked to \"outsiders\", and also review the relationship between left and democracy, trying to understand if the M-19 intended to renew it, or if it followed the dominant traditions of the left in Latin America in the second half of the twentieth century. This research adopts the perspective of a renovated Political History, in which the narrative is not dominated (only) by minor political events, but allows us to understand long-term trends of colombian political culture, also encouraging wider reflection on democracy and Latin America.

Esta tese analisa algumas das estratégias discursivas presentes na obra documentária do cineasta cubano Santiago Álvarez Román (1919-1998), no sentido de identificar qual o papel do seu cinema como instrumento na formação arquetípica do heroísmo revolucionário latino-americano entre as décadas de 1960 e 1970, tendo como epicentro a Revolução Cubana e o Nuevo Cine Latinoamericano. Questão que foi desenvolvida baseando-se em documentários curtas-metragens reconhecidos pela sua repercussão e empenho retórico como: Muerte al Invasor (1961), Ciclón (1963), Cerro Pelado (1966), Hanói, Martes 13 (1967), Hasta la Victoria Siempre (1967), El Tigre Salto y Mato...Pero Morira...Morira (1973) e Mi Hermano Fidel (1977). Filmes que, no transcurso desta pesquisa, mostraram-se componentes de um arco narrativo basilar para a formação de uma épica revolucionária, que englobou do herói coletivo, aquele que representa os anseios por uma nova ordem social, ao herói mártir, aquele reconhecido por sacrificar-se em nome desta ordem, até os esboços de um herói romanesco, que abdica deste protagonismo ao, como indivíduo, entronizar a subjetividade como valor na sua reconciliação com o mundo / The present thesis analyzes some discursive strategies that are present in the documentary work of the Cuban filmmaker Santiago Álvarez Román (1919-1998). The objective is to identify the role of his movies as an instrument in the archetypal formation of the Latin American revolutionary heroism between the 1960s and 1970s, having the epicenter in the Cuban Revolution and Nuevo Cine Latinoamericano. The development of that issue was based on documentaries and short films recognized by their impact and rhetorical commitment as: Muerte al Invasor (1961), Ciclón (1963), Cerro Pelado (1966), Hanói, Martes 13 (1967), Hasta la Victoria Siempre (1967), El Tigre Saltó y Mató...Pero Morirá...Morirá (1973) and Mi Hermano Fidel (1977). Some movies were components of a basic narrative arc to the formation of a revolutionary epic, during the present research. It comprises from the collective hero, who represents the desires for a new social order, to the martyr hero, who is recognized by sacrificing himself on behalf of that order. Also, even the outlines of a romanesque hero, who abdicates his protagonism as individual to enthrone subjectivity as a value, in his reconciliation with the world.

In dem Beitrag werden die sozialpolitischen Initiativen in der Regierungsperiode von Michelle Bachelet (2006-2011) in Chile und von Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2011) in Brasilien dargestellt. Beide sozialdemokratischen Regierungen markieren im jeweiligen nationalen Kontext einen Linksruck. Die Untersuchung geht der Frage nach, ob die Reformen eine gleichheitsfördernde Wirkung entfaltet haben und einen Bruch mit neoliberalen Paradigmen in der Sozialpolitik bedeuten. Um die aktuellen Veränderungen einschätzen zu können, werden diese in einen größeren historischen und politökonomischen Kontext eingebettet. Die Analyse der Wohlfahrtsregime der beiden Länder stützt sich auf den institutionalistischen Zugang von Esping-Andersen. Mit Bezug auf Kategorien wie Universalisierung, De-Kommodifizierung/Anti-Wert, De-Familialisierung und Informalität wagen die AutorInnen am Ende eine Einschätzung, inwiefern unter Lula und Bachelet sozialdemokratische Politik betrieben wurde.

Given their potential to negatively impact men's goal of staying in office, can gender quotas be aligned with the preferences of male legislators who adopt the policy? In other words, does the rapid spread of gender quotas worldwide challenge notions of the rationality of legislators as career-driven individuals? These are the main questions that drive this thesis. To answer these questions, I develop a prospect theory-based framework that accounts for how electoral security and political ambition impact legislators' behaviour in influencing the strength of gender quota designs. I argue that, faced with growing pressures to adopt gender quotas, male parliamentarians engage in the risk-taking process of assenting with gender quotas, meanwhile seeking to minimize the potential costs of the policy to their future careers by actively weakening quota designs. To evaluate the plausibility of my theory, I employ a series of multi-method and multi-level analyses presented across five substantive chapters, each of which is respectively based on: 1) a cross-sectional analysis of Latin America countries; 2) an elite survey experiment with Brazilian state legislators; and, in-depth process tracing of the cases of gender quota adoption in 3) Costa Rica; 4) Brazil; and, 5) Chile. The work makes three main contributions. Firstly, although previously identified, the resistance of male legislators towards gender quotas had never been systematically analysed in a comparative manner; focusing on the behaviour of male incumbents is thus a relevant contribution. Secondly, although various authors have provided explanations for the origins of gender quota adoptions, no work had ever comparatively assessed sources of the variation in gender quota designs. Thus, I move the study of gender quotas beyond the binary choice of adoption. Thirdly, I show that the static assumptions of endogenous institutionalism need to be modified by the introduction of risk, which can only be achieved by integrating the insights of prospect theory.

How does change in economic, social and political institutions occur? How aregender and other social inequalities reproduced through and challenged byprocesses of institutional creation, evolution and innovation? And can institutionsbe transformed for greater equity and inclusion? These are big questions forfeminist political scientists to whom a better understanding of real world puzzles isnot only of theoretical but also of practical relevance. By looking at recent socialpolicy reforms and innovations in Chile this thesis contributes to moving thisresearch agenda forward. Drawing on conceptual and methodological tools fromhistorical institutionalism and feminist political science, it provides a theoreticallyinformed and empirically grounded account of how institutional change happensand why thoroughgoing transformations are so difficult to achieve. As an essentialpart of this endeavor, it highlights the multiple ways in which gender shapes and isshaped by broader processes of policy reform and innovation. Bolstered byabundant empirical evidence from four reform episodes-the 2002-2004 healthreform, the 2008 pension reform, the 2006-2010 expansion of childcare services,and the reform of maternity leave in 2011-the thesis interrogates the scope andthe quality of recent changes, analyzes their implications for women's rights andgender equality, and unveils the complex interplay of institutional, agential andideational factors that have shaped specific policy choices. It holds that none of thepolicy areas has experienced sweeping change or path departure. Instead, policyinnovations have taken place in historically and contextually bounded ways: whilethe scope and purpose of existing welfare institutions has been redefined and newrules have been layered on to previously existing institutional arrangements, coreelements of these arrangements-and of the broader context-have remainedfirmly in place. Against this backdrop, positive gender change did indeed occur:greater access to non-contributory pensions, more accessible childcare services andmore generous maternity leave regulations all benefit women. Yet, selective andpiecemeal reform strategies also entailed important trade-offs that hamper theequity-enhancing effect of otherwise important policy innovations. This generalverdict, however, conceals important variations across policy areas both in terms ofthe (re)articulation of state-market relationships and in terms of the integration ofgender concerns. The thesis locates these variations at the intersection of sectorspecificpolicy legacies and more contingent moments of political opportunity.

Since the late 1980s, there has been a steady production of Latin American narrative fiction in Spanish concerning China and the Chinese. Despite the work written about China and its relation to Latin America, no comprehensive examination of the representation of China in literature has been produced thus far. This thesis analyses nine novels in which China is the main theme, exploring how China has been represented in Latin American narrative fiction in recent decades. Using 'China' as a multidimensional term informed by Sara Ahmed's understanding of 'strangerness' (2000), this thesis first explores how the novels studied here both highlight and undermine assumptions about China that have long shaped Latin America's understanding of 'China'. Secondly, using theories of the fetish, it shows 'China' to be a kind of literary/imaginary 'third' term which reframes Latin American discourses of alterity. On one level, it is argued that these texts play with the way that 'China' stands in as a wandering signifier and as a metonym for Asia, a gesture that essentialises it as an unchanging other. On another level, it argues that the novels' employment of 'China' resists essentialist constructions of Latin American identity. 'China' is thus shown here to be a symbolic figure in Latin America, serving as a concept through which criticism of the construction of fetishised otherness becomes possible, as well as criticism of the exclusion inherent in essentialist discourses of identity, such as those contained in mestizaje. These discourses of mestizaje have traditionally emphasised racial and cultural mixture, and have excluded the Chinese from discourses of Latin American identity. As a result, 'China' is used here to deconstruct bound identities, interrupting discourses of otherness within Latin America. From this perspective, it is argued that these novels tend to gesture towards an understanding of identity as 'being-with', and community as inoperative, as developed by Jean-Luc Nancy (1991, 2000), whilst taking a cosmopolitan stance, as developed by Berthold Schoene (2011). The novels have been divided between those that set their stories in China, such as Cesar Aira's 'Una novela china' (1987); those that explore Chinese communities in Latin America, such as Ariel Magnus' 'Un chino en bicicleta' (2007); and those that focus on Latin American travel to China, such as Ximena Sanchez Echenique's 'El ombligo del dragon' (2007). Indebted to Ahmed's, Nancy's and Schoene's theoretical perspectives, Chapter 1 explores how 'China', as both a physical space and a discursive context, foregrounds negotiations of power in the histories of both China and Latin America. Chapter 2 studies how 'China' is used to recall and interrogate the notion of an indistinct 'oriental'. The final chapter seeks to understand the ways in which the novels articulate travel to China as a means of challenging Eurocentric structures and 'national' epistemologies. Ultimately, by disclosing the complex operations through which 'China' is represented in Latin American literary discourses, this study explores possible further reconfigurations of Latin American notions of identity and community as non-essentialist and in constant development.

In this research I explore artivist performance proposals that lead to an analysis of the spectator position intrinsic to the spectatorial, as a construction linked to colonial discourses of otherness. This investigation presents the encountering processes of the transnational troupe of La Pocha Nostra and the Puerto Rican persona of Freddie Mercado with their respective spectators, where local-global constructs of coloniality become unveiled, made and unmade spectacle through their re-reproduction of otherness. Side by side with performance art-life, I explore the deconstruction and de-linking possibilities of the spectatorial taking the work of these artists to build and develop the dilemmas and alternatives presented. From these complex hyper-othering performance practices I research the social implications on the spectatorial at a local and global level. The artistic proposals discussed are focused under the decolonial lens and researched as practices that make possible the co-creation of decolonial relationalities. I focus in the trans-possibility these ‘other’ encounters produce and are produced by. This work inserts the issue of the spectator within broader social concerns and it is under this umbrella that the ‘question’ of the Other arises within the mechanisms of the modern spectacle. These artistic practices exert diverse tactics that directly imply the figure of the spectator within this social configuration.

A proposta desta dissertação é analisar como os governos de esquerda da América Latina contribuem ou não para a construção, desenvolvimento e consolidação de uma cultura democrática na região. A partir da experiência recente de Brasil e de Venezuela, que representam hoje os dois modelos dominantes da esquerda latino-americana, investiga-se se os resultados sociais obtidos estimulam ou não a confiança dos cidadãos no regime democrático. Para alcançar esse objetivo, verifica-se se houve ou não avanço em educação e saúde nos dois países entre 1990 e 2008. Tal diagnóstico é confrontado com a opinião de brasileiros e venezuelanos sobre a satisfação com a vida cotidiana e com o grau de apoio à democracia no mesmo período. A partir dos dados analisados, pode-se concluir que há avanços, no entanto, as medidas implementadas na área social são insuficientes para se consolidar a dimensão social da democracia e fortalecer substancialmente a cultura democrática. / The proposal of this dissertation is to examine how the governments on the left in Latin America contribute or not contribute to the construction, development and consolidation of a democratic culture in the region. Since the recent experience in Brazil and Venezuela, which now represent the two dominant models of the Latin American left, investigates whether the results obtained social stimulate or no public confidence in the democratic system. To achieve this goal, it is whether there is progress in education and health in both countries between 1990 and 2008. This diagnosis is confronted with the view of Brazilians and Venezuelans on satisfaction with life and the degree of support for democracy in the same period. From the data, it can be concluded that there is progress, however, the measures implemented in the social area are insufficient to strengthen the social dimension of democracy and substantially strengthen the democratic culture.

O presente estudo realiza uma análise do projeto histórico-cinematográfico contido no filme A Idade da Terra, produzido pelo cineasta Glauber Rocha em 1980, e que foi concebido desde 1965, quando Glauber escreve o roteiro cinematográfico nunca produzido de América Nuestra. A partir das quatro personagens principais Cristo-Índio, Cristo-Negro, Cristo-Guerrilheiro e Cristo-Militar são investigadas as representações da história do Brasil e da América Latina, ressignificada pelo filme através de uma linguagem que se utiliza da estrutura narrativa bíblica, remontando dados históricos por meio do recurso das alegorias. Realiza-se, assim, uma análise externa da produção, pensando suas condições e seus pressupostos no contexto cinematográfico no qual Glauber Rocha estava inserido nos anos 1970, uma análise interna da obra, investigando sua linguagem estética e as alegorias históricas, finalizando com uma análise externa pós-produção, levando em conta a recepção do filme pela crítica e pelo público. Deste modo, esta dissertação analisa a história em seu objeto fílmico, e o objeto fílmico na história, remontando estética e historicamente A Idade da Terra. / The present study analyzes the historical-cinematographic project contained in the film The Age of the Earth, produced by the filmmaker Glauber Rocha in 1980, and that was conceived since 1965, when Glauber writes the cinematographic script never produced of America Nuestra. The four main characters - Christ-Indian, Christ-Black, Christ-Military and Christ-Guerrilla - investigate the representations of the history of Brazil and Latin America, re-signified by the film through a language that uses the biblical narrative structure , tracing historical data through the use of allegories. An external analysis of production is carried out, considering its conditions and its presuppositions in the cinematographic context in which Glauber Rocha was inserted in the 1970s, an internal analysis of the work, investigating its aesthetic language and historical allegories, ending with an analysis External post-production, taking into account the reception of the film by the critic and the public. In this way, this dissertation analyzes the history in its filmic object, and the filmic object in history, tracing aesthetically and historically The Age of the Earth.

Thesis (M.Arch.A.S.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Architecture, 1980. / MICROFICHE COPY AVAILABLE IN ARCHIVES AND ROTCH. / Bibliography: p. 83-95. / by Fernando J. Lugo. / M.Arch.A.S.