Les romains furent sans doute les premiers à définir et codifier la curatelle des prodigues dans la loi des XII Tables en plaçant le prodigue en interdiction.La société d’Ancien Régime constitue un terreau idéal au développement de la prodigalité. En effet, les bourgeois comme les nobles souhaitent protéger leurs richesses de la voracité d’un héritier. L’antique interdiction pour cause de prodigalité est alors exhumée aux côtés d’autres dispositifs constituant ainsi un véritable arsenal mis à disposition des familles.La parentèle se montre impitoyable, usant parfois avec légèreté de l’une de ses dispositions à l’encontre de celui qui met en danger la pérennité du patrimoine familial. Avec la prodigalité, souvent associés à d’autres travers comme le jeu, la débauche, l’ivrognerie ou l’oisiveté, les modes de neutralisation deviennent des outils privilégiés non plus uniquement pour mettre un terme aux dépenses excessives mais également pour contrôler des attitudes qui dérangent l’ordre social sur lequel la société d’Ancien Régime repose. L’extension de l’interdiction aux veuves « follement » remariées à des personnes trop éloignées de leurs conditions (article 182 de l'ordonnance de Blois de 1579), indépendamment de toute prodigalité, en est une parfaite illustration.Malgré les modifications apportées à l'interdiction au cours de l'Ancien Régime, cette disposition porte en elle des vices rédhibitoires (coût et longueur de la procédure, caractère humiliant, difficulté de rapporter la preuve de la prodigalité, issue incertaine) qui conduiront les familles à s’en détourner. Ainsi, les excès des prodigues sont parfois jugulés par une séparation de biens entre mari et femme, une exhérédation officieuse, une substitution fidéicommissaire, une promesse de garder succession ou un enfermement.Les excès des familles sont dénoncés par les Lumières. Ainsi, le pouvoir royal encadre plus strictement certains dispositifs et les magistrats eux-mêmes rechignent à prononcer des interdictions pour de simples prodigues. Pour pallier à ce manque, ils sont à l’origine d’une disposition originale : le conseil judiciaire.Avec la révolution, la question se pose de savoir s’il faut intervenir dans les affaires du prodigue. En tout état de cause si mesure de neutralisation il y a, il faudra qu’elle respecte les libertés individuelles et le droit de propriété. Les travaux préparatoires du code civil révèlent, qu'après d'âpres débats, le prodigue continuera de bénéficier d'une protection juridique transposant dans le code la création jurisprudentielle du conseil judiciaire.Cette étude propose d'examiner les différentes techniques juridiques mises en place mais également les fondements qui ont innervé législation, activité juridictionnelle et doctrine. / It is difficult to categorize the concept of Prodigality: between madness, weakness of mind or a simple trait of character. The legislator hesitates not only about the solution to be adopted but also about the need to intervene.The Romans were undoubtedly the first to define and codify the curatorship of the prodigals in the law of the XII Tables by implementing the legal inability of the prodigal.The society of the Ancien Régime is a fertile ground for the development of prodigality. Indeed, both the bourgeoisie and the nobles wish to protect their wealth from the voracity of an heir. The former legal inability due to prodigality is then exhumed alongside other devices, constituting a real arsenal available to families.The relatives are ruthless, sometimes using very easily the legal measures at their disposal against the one who endangers the durability of the family inheritance. With prodigality, often associated with other failings such as gambling, debauchery, drunkenness or idleness, modes of neutralization become privileged tools not only to put an end to excessive spending but also to control attitudes that disturb the social order on which Ancien Régime society is based. The extension of the legal inability to "madly" remarried widows to persons too far from their social condition (article 182 of the Blois Ordinance of 1579), regardless of any prodigality, is a perfect illustration of this.Despite the changes made to the legal inability during the Ancien Régime, this provision has critical flaws (cost and length of the procedure, humiliating nature, difficulty in providing proof of prodigality, uncertain outcome) which will lead families to turn away from it. Thus, the excesses of the prodigals are sometimes curbed by a separation of property between husband and wife, an unofficial disinheritance , a fideicommissum , a promise to keep the succession or a confinement.The excesses of families are denounced by the Enlightenment. Thus, the royal power supervises certain devices more strictly and the magistrates themselves are reluctant to pronounce prohibitions for simple prodigals. To compensate for this lack, they are even at the origin of an original provision: the judicial council.With the Revolution, the question arose whether to continue interfering with the prodigal's affairs. In any case, if there is a neutralisation measure, it must respect individual freedoms and the right to property.After fierce debates, the preparatory work reveals that, the prodigal will continue to benefit from legal protection by transposing into the civil code the jurisprudential creation of the judicial council.This study will examine the different legal techniques available but also the foundations that have innervated legislation, jurisdictional activity and doctrine.

This thesis studies Tang sancai, a multi-coloured lead-glaze ceramic decorated ware which emerged in the Tang dynasty (AD 618 - AD 907), attaining mass production in the middle of the Tang era and declining towards its end. It examines the functions of sancai in its different aspects, namely as burial objects, as containers for ritual offerings and as architectural material. I argue that Tang sancai ware as burial objects were employed exclusively by the Tang imperial and elite families. The approach to my argument is made, in a first stage, through the observation of the physical locations of tombs that contained Tang sancai wares to demonstrate that these tombs belonged to the Tang imperial and elite family members. In a further step, I bring up two Tang decrees which laid down regulations for burials, to indicate that there was a strict hierarchical system for the allocation and utilization of burial land. These two Tang texts enable us to establish that the tombs located around the area of the imperial tombs belonged to the Tang officials and elite, and therefore not to ordinary people. In addition, the study I undertake of the structure of the tombs, with layout and organization mirroring palatial environments, reinforces my argument to that end. Lastly, I look at the cost of production of Tang sancai showing that it was higher than that of unglazed ceramics and that, consequently, sancai wares were, from an economical point of view, inaccessible to the common people. This thesis also reflects on the agency of Tang sancai, considering its aesthetic qualities and its suitability in the functions for which it served, as a force in engaging the viewers. The lasting debate on whether Tang sancai utensil-shaped wares were used for everyday eating and drinking is dealt with in this thesis by carefully examining the locations of the shards that were excavated at the sites of imperial palaces. My research enables to point out that this data is not sufficient to ascertain that this type of Tang sancai was used as daily wares. On the contrary, on the grounds that these locations were the places where ritual performances took place, I argue that sancai utensil wares were used as presentation containers for ritual performances. In the absence of records in Tang texts which could have informed about the relationship between Tang sancai and religious practice, I borrow an evidence from Japan, in the form of the hand-brush writing on a couple of Nara sancai dishes, which were copies of Tang sancai made in Japan during the time of Tang, mentioning that these vessels were specifically for use for ritual ceremonies. Furthermore, on the basis of analyses made on lead-glazed ware, some scholars assert that such ware is poisonous and could not have been used to contain food or drink, as much as no evidence exists to show that ancient Chinese had used lead-glazed wares for that purpose. This leads to the clarification that Tang sancai utensil-shaped wares were not produced for everyday use, their purpose having actually been to serve as vessels for offerings in rituals. I further observe that this connection between sancai and ritual-themed objects, initiated by the Tang, has in fact pervaded through the succeeding dynasties affirming its role in religious ceremonials. Finally, this thesis also looks at Tang sancai as an architectural material to show that it was skillfully used in decorating buildings, not only as tiles and tile-ends, but also as large-sized roof ornaments. The research reveals, in the process, the possible dates when sancai architectural material started to be used popularly during the Tang era.