由於今日數位科技發達，仿冒成本日漸降低，導致仿冒產業充斥於社會中，處處可見盜版商品的蹤跡，故仿冒查緝在現今變得非常重要。本文討論本國正版廠商參與遊說的情況下，本國政府仿冒查緝率將如何制定以及本國正版廠商在何種情況下願意提供政治獻金。並且，我們為政府仿冒查緝的工作加入了查緝成本，研究其對於政府仿冒查緝率決策的影響。本文研究後發現，政府必須根據市場規模大小以決定最適查緝率為零或是查緝率上限，且惟有在市場規模為中段之時，本國正版廠商才有意願提供政治獻金進行遊說。此外，若加入仿冒查緝成本，則本國政府最適查緝率為零的可能性將會提高。 / Since the prevalence and availability of digital technologies, the cost of piracy becomes lower and lower. The society is full of counterfeiter and counterfeit, hence it is very important to protect the intellectual property. This paper assumes that the domestic company obtains the intellectual property. We try to discuss how the domestic government determines the optimal enforcement rate and to what extent is the domestic company willing to pay for political contributions if the domestic company is the only one lobbyist. Furthermore, considering the cost of crackdown on imitations, we find that the government decides the optimal enforcement rate according to the size of the market, and the domestic company has the desire to engage in lobbying only when the market is in the middle size. If there is some cost of squashing pirates, that optimal enforcement rate is more likely to be zero.

This study takes an Institutional and Evolutionary Economic (IEE) approach to exploring the Taiwan lobby in the United States. This IEE approach encompasses many fields and borrows theory from diverse disciplines. These range from evolutionary psychology, political economic thought, organizational theory, economics, history, to other helpful tools in understanding economics and institutions. My study starts with some preliminaries, a history of the U.S. and Taiwan, an extensive survey of literature in the field, then dives into the exploration of U.S. arms sales to Taiwan 1950-2010. It should be here stated that, to my knowledge, this is the first time such a time span has been tackled on the issue anywhere in international academia. What is so fortuitous is the fact that the Taiwan Relations Act was adopted in the middle of this 60-year timeframe, giving my study the ability to compare two 30-year timeframes. I then put this into the context of the Taiwan lobby while putting the Taiwan lobby in the context of arms sales. The four lobbies explored are: 1) The U.S.-Taiwan Business Council, 2) TECRO, 3) AIT and 4) FAPA. These institutions are explored from the: 1) individual, 2) structural and 3) structure of interaction perspectives. My main drive is to understand the structure and structure of interaction of the Taiwan lobby and to apply this with a practical understanding for a student of management. I offer my own model about what makes a lobbyist successful in his art, craft and business.

Orientador: Reginaldo Mattar Nasser / Banca: Arlene Elizabeth Clemesha / Banca: Carlos Gustavo Poggio Teixeira / O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas" / Resumo: O presente trabalho tem como tema a influência do The American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) na política externa dos Estados Unidos da América (EUA). Primeiro, sistematizou-se um estado da arte sobre o tema a partir de duas linhas de pensamento principais: uma de John Mearsheimer e Stephen Walt; e outra, de Noam Chomsky, Gilbert Achcar e Norman Finkelstein. Enquanto aqueles primeiros ressaltam o poder do chamado lobby pró-Israel - do qual o AIPAC é a organização mais estruturada e renomada - na política dos EUA, estes salientam que o leme da política externa estadunidense para com Israel é seu próprio interesse nacional, e não o lobby. Segundo, visou-se a um levantamento histórico sobre o AIPAC e uma análise de sua estrutura e de seu modo de atuação. Constatou-se, então, que o AIPAC - como uma organização de lobby, um grupo de interesse -, de acordo com a lei, não pode enviar contribuições financeiras diretamente aos políticos. Apurou-se, no entanto, que essa prática pode ocorrer de maneira indireta, por meio de, pelo menos, duas maneiras: através de seus próprios membros contribuindo individualmente; e/ou por via dos Political Action Committees (PACs) - instituições criadas especificamente para esse fim de levantar fundos para as campanhas políticas no intuito de eleger e derrotar candidatos, ou até mesmo influenciar os que já estão no Governo. E, terceiro, buscou-se sintetizar o estado da arte ao estudo histórico e estrutural sobre o AIPAC. Com base no diálogo entre as duas principais visões teóricas trabalhadas - sob uma ótica de complementaridade ao invés de exclusão -, ao lado do exame da ação do AIPAC na história, esse estudo nos levou a inferir que o AIPAC, fundado em 1959, no contexto da Guerra Fria, continua influente na política dos EUA, mesmo com a mudança no sistema internacional ao final da Guerra Fria. / Abstract: not available / Mestre

Submitted by Maria Concetta Miranda (maria.miranda2015@fgvmail.br) on 2015-01-27T17:32:28Z No. of bitstreams: 1 ThesisMariaConcettaMiranda_APPROVED.pdf: 1616737 bytes, checksum: c25dcfd17f22a48a71f731d84dc65ff2 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Janete de Oliveira Feitosa (janete.feitosa@fgv.br) on 2015-02-04T19:23:52Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 ThesisMariaConcettaMiranda_APPROVED.pdf: 1616737 bytes, checksum: c25dcfd17f22a48a71f731d84dc65ff2 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marcia Bacha (marcia.bacha@fgv.br) on 2015-02-11T19:03:10Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 ThesisMariaConcettaMiranda_APPROVED.pdf: 1616737 bytes, checksum: c25dcfd17f22a48a71f731d84dc65ff2 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-02-11T19:12:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ThesisMariaConcettaMiranda_APPROVED.pdf: 1616737 bytes, checksum: c25dcfd17f22a48a71f731d84dc65ff2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-10-28 / The research topic of this paper is focused on the analysis of how trade associations perceive lobbying in Brussels and in Brasília. The analysis will be centered on business associations located in Brasília and Brussels as the two core centers of decision-making and as an attraction for the lobbying practice. The underlying principles behind the comparison between Brussels and Brasilia are two. Firstof all because the European Union and Brazil have maintained diplomatic relations since 1960. Through these relations they have built up close historical, cultural, economic and political ties. Their bilateral political relations culminated in 2007 with the establishment of a Strategic Partnership (EEAS website,n.d.). Over the years, Brazil has become a key interlocutor for the EU and it is the most important market for the EU in Latin America (European Commission, 2007). Taking into account the relations between EU and Brazil, this research could contribute to the reciprocal knowledge about the perception of lobby in the respective systems and the importance of the non-market strategy when conducting business. Second both EU and Brazilian systems have a multi-level governance structure: 28 Member States in the EU and 26 Member States in Brazil; in both systems there are three main institutions targeted by lobbying practice. The objective is to compare how differences in the institutional environments affect the perception and practice of lobbying, where institutions are defined as ‘‘regulative, normative, and cognitive structures and activities that provide stability and meaning to social behavior’’ (Peng et al., 2009). Brussels, the self-proclaimed 'Capital of Europe', is the headquarters of the European Union and has one of the highest concentrations of political power in the world. Four of the seven Institutions of the European Union are based in Brussels: the European Parliament, the European Council, the Council and the European Commission (EU website, n.d.). As the power of the EU institutions has grown, Brussels has become a magnet for lobbyists, with the latest estimates ranging from between 15,000 and 30,000 professionals representing companies, industry sectors, farmers, civil society groups, unions etc. (Burson Marsteller, 2013). Brasília is the capital of Brazil and the seat of government of the Federal District and the three branches of the federal government of Brazilian legislative, executive and judiciary. The 4 city also hosts 124 foreign embassies. The presence of the formal representations of companies and trade associations in Brasília is very limited, but the governmental interests remain there and the professionals dealing with government affairs commute there. In the European Union, Brussels has established a Transparency Register that allows the interactions between the European institutions and citizen’s associations, NGOs, businesses, trade and professional organizations, trade unions and think tanks. The register provides citizens with a direct and single access to information about who is engaged in This process is important for the quality of democracy, and for its capacity to deliver adequate policies, matching activities aimed at influencing the EU decision-making process, which interests are being pursued and what level of resources are invested in these activities (Celgene, n.d). It offers a single code of conduct, binding all organizations and self-employed individuals who accept to 'play by the rules' in full respect of ethical principles (EC website, n.d). A complaints and sanctions mechanism ensures the enforcement of the rules and addresses suspected breaches of the code. In Brazil, there is no specific legislation regulating lobbying. The National Congress is currently discussing dozens of bills that address regulation of lobbying and the action of interest groups (De Aragão, 2012), but none of them has been enacted for the moment. This work will focus on class lobbying (Oliveira, 2004), which refers to the performance of the federation of national labour or industrial unions, like CNI (National Industry Confederation) in Brazil and the European Banking Federation (EBF) in Brussels. Their performance aims to influence the Executive and Legislative branches in order to defend the interests of their affiliates. When representing unions and federations, class entities cover a wide range of different and, more often than not, conflicting interests. That is why they are limited to defending the consensual and majority interest of their affiliates (Oliveira, 2004). The basic assumption of this work is that institutions matter (Peng et al, 2009) and that the trade associations and their affiliates, when doing business, have to take into account the institutional and regulatory framework where they do business.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-09-17T15:26:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2015-05-04. Added 1 bitstream(s) on 2015-09-17T15:45:56Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 000844270.pdf: 1299163 bytes, checksum: bdf3d08810ae35b28523105b8a7871c0 (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / O presente trabalho tem como tema a influência do The American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) na política externa dos Estados Unidos da América (EUA). Primeiro, sistematizou-se um estado da arte sobre o tema a partir de duas linhas de pensamento principais: uma de John Mearsheimer e Stephen Walt; e outra, de Noam Chomsky, Gilbert Achcar e Norman Finkelstein. Enquanto aqueles primeiros ressaltam o poder do chamado lobby pró-Israel - do qual o AIPAC é a organização mais estruturada e renomada - na política dos EUA, estes salientam que o leme da política externa estadunidense para com Israel é seu próprio interesse nacional, e não o lobby. Segundo, visou-se a um levantamento histórico sobre o AIPAC e uma análise de sua estrutura e de seu modo de atuação. Constatou-se, então, que o AIPAC - como uma organização de lobby, um grupo de interesse -, de acordo com a lei, não pode enviar contribuições financeiras diretamente aos políticos. Apurou-se, no entanto, que essa prática pode ocorrer de maneira indireta, por meio de, pelo menos, duas maneiras: através de seus próprios membros contribuindo individualmente; e/ou por via dos Political Action Committees (PACs) - instituições criadas especificamente para esse fim de levantar fundos para as campanhas políticas no intuito de eleger e derrotar candidatos, ou até mesmo influenciar os que já estão no Governo. E, terceiro, buscou-se sintetizar o estado da arte ao estudo histórico e estrutural sobre o AIPAC. Com base no diálogo entre as duas principais visões teóricas trabalhadas - sob uma ótica de complementaridade ao invés de exclusão -, ao lado do exame da ação do AIPAC na história, esse estudo nos levou a inferir que o AIPAC, fundado em 1959, no contexto da Guerra Fria, continua influente na política dos EUA, mesmo com a mudança no sistema internacional ao final da Guerra Fria.

Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Instituto de Ciência Política, Programa de Pós-Graduação, 2009. / Submitted by Jaqueline Ferreira de Souza (jaquefs.braz@gmail.com) on 2010-03-12T16:55:22Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2009_AndreLuizPiresAzevedo.pdf: 777080 bytes, checksum: e65cf4c6f3563fd34bfcd0e70ceca82c (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Daniel Ribeiro(daniel@bce.unb.br) on 2010-04-06T20:24:53Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2009_AndreLuizPiresAzevedo.pdf: 777080 bytes, checksum: e65cf4c6f3563fd34bfcd0e70ceca82c (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2010-04-06T20:24:53Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2009_AndreLuizPiresAzevedo.pdf: 777080 bytes, checksum: e65cf4c6f3563fd34bfcd0e70ceca82c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-05-08 / O objetivo principal deste trabalho é correlacionar e avaliar as atividades de ação parlamentar dos grupos de pressão mantidos pelas entidades sindicais patronais do comércio com as Tecnologias de Informação e Comunicação TIC disponibilizadas nos sítios eletrônicos do Poder Legislativo. A pesquisa detalha os impactos das TIC sobre suas assessorias legislativas. Foram estudadas as entidades classistas que representam o empresário do comércio de bens, serviço e turismo: a Confederação Nacional do Comércio de Bens, Serviços e Turismo CNC, as Federações do Comércio de Bens, Serviços e Turismo dos Estados do Rio Grande do Sul, Paraná e Rio de Janeiro. A partir do exame dos processos de trabalho das assessorias legislativas dessas entidades, bem como os seus instrumentos tecnológicos que auxiliam suas ações parlamentares e os dados extraídos dos portais das Casas Legislativas em que atuam, foi possível a construção de um índice que mesura a oferta de informações dos sítios em relação às necessidades das assessorias. Os portais pesquisados e avaliados foram os da Câmara dos Deputados, do Senado Federal e das Assembléias Legislativas dos Estados do Rio Grande do Sul, Paraná e Rio de Janeiro. Como resultado, observouse que as TIC criaram novos canais de participação, facilitando a criação de assessorias técnicas com o objetivo de levar suas demandas aos agentes políticos, elevando o debate em torno das matérias legislativas e o próprio volume de informação na arena decisória. As entidades patronais, que representam o interesse do capital e até então hegemônicas na defesa de seus objetivos, começaram a investir em assessorias técnicas ao perceberem que suas ações passaram a gerar reações de outros grupos de pressão. Assim, o Sistema CNC-Sesc-Senac antecipou-se na qualificação de seus profissionais que desempenham ações parlamentares e no uso de TIC como instrumentos de gerenciamento de conteúdo, de produção e de propagação de conhecimento; de interlocução e de pressão. Conclui-se que a área de abrangência no acompanhamento legislativo e o sucesso das ações parlamentares dos grupos pesquisados são maiores, quanto melhores forem as TIC disponíveis. _______________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT / The main goal of this work is to evaluate and to interconnect the parliamentary actions activities of interest groups kept by unions trade of employers with the Information and Communication Technologies ICT available on sites of Legislative. The research details the impact of ICT on legislative advisers. Have been studied union entities that represent employers of trade in goods, services and tourism: the National Confederation of Commerce of Goods, Services and Tourism (CNC, in Portuguese) and federations of commerce of goods, services and tourism of the States of Rio Grande do Sul, Paraná and Rio de Janeiro. It has been possible to construct a measure for sites quality about advisers necessities after the data collected in the Legislative portals and the work process and technological means of legislative advisers of those entities had been examined. The following portals were studied and evaluated: House of Representatives (Câmara dos Deputados), Senate (Senado Federal) and Legislative Assemblies of the States of Rio Grande do Sul, Paraná and Rio de Janeiro. In the end it has been noticed that ICT have created new participation ways, promoting creation of technical advisers with objective to take their demands for political agents, increasing debate about legislative issues and volume of information at decision field. The employer entities, which represent the interests of capital and until then were hegemonic in defense of their objectives, started to invest in technical advisers because they realized that their actions started to generate reaction of other groups. In this way the CNC-Sesc-Senac system anticipated itself on qualification for their professionals that make parliamentary actions and on usage of ICT as a mean to content management, knowledge production and spread, interlocution and pressure. This research concluded that the scope in following of legislative and success of parliamentary actions of analyzed groups are as better as ICT availability.

Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Faculdade de Educação, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Educação, 2013. / Submitted by Alaíde Gonçalves dos Santos (alaide@unb.br) on 2013-08-23T13:33:40Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2013_NelsonAdrianoFerreiradeVasconcelos.pdf: 3689762 bytes, checksum: 662e0c81895af0e79bed9d646a473e1d (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Guimaraes Jacqueline(jacqueline.guimaraes@bce.unb.br) on 2013-08-26T14:02:21Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2013_NelsonAdrianoFerreiradeVasconcelos.pdf: 3689762 bytes, checksum: 662e0c81895af0e79bed9d646a473e1d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-08-26T14:02:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2013_NelsonAdrianoFerreiradeVasconcelos.pdf: 3689762 bytes, checksum: 662e0c81895af0e79bed9d646a473e1d (MD5) / A presente dissertação de mestrado, integrante do Programa de Pós-Graduação em Educação da Universidade de Brasília (UnB), na Linha de Pesquisa Políticas Públicas e Gestão da Educação, resultou de investigação que teve como objeto a participação de grupos de pressão no processo legislativo que culminou na promulgação da Lei nº. 4.751 de 7 de fevereiro de 2012, que dispõe sobre o Sistema de Ensino e a gestão democrática do Sistema de Ensino Público do Distrito Federal. Propôs-se a, como objetivo geral, analisar a participação de grupos de pressão e suas relações na tramitação do Projeto de Lei de gestão democrática do Sistema de Ensino Público do DF (PL 588/2011), e suas possíveis determinações na redação final da Lei, compreendida como política pública de gestão da educação básica no DF. Esta investigação filia-se à tradição marxista, tendo a dialética materialista como método, e a análise crítica do discurso como procedimento de análise dos discursos proferidos por parlamentares, sindicatos e associações de professores, diretores, estudantes e pais em três audiências públicas realizadas pela Câmara Legislativa do Distrito Federal em 2011 que tiveram como temática a gestão democrática do Sistema Público de Ensino do Distrito Federal. Os resultados da investigação permitiram evidenciar práticas de lobismo por parte dos grupos de pressão, além do acolhimento de demandas em emendas parlamentares, e o atendimento de interesses corporativos na redação final da Lei 4.751/2012, concluindo que o pragmatismo empregado pelos movimentos sociais de trabalhadores da educação contribuiu para a cisão da classe trabalhadora quando os grupos de pressão agiram competitivamente para o atendimento de seus interesses peculiares em detrimento de lutas universais em direção à emancipação coletiva. _______________________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT / This master’s thesis, as an integral part of the Post-Graduate Program in Education of the University of Brasilia (UnB), follows the Line of Research related to Public Policy and Management in Education. The aim of this paper was to investigate the participation of lobbyists in the legislative process which culminated in the promulgation of the Law nº 4751 of February 7, 2012, regulating the education system and the democratic management of the Public Education System in the Federal District (DF). The general objective was to analyze the participation of lobbyists and the relations established while the bill on the democratic management of the Public School System of the Federal District (Bill nº 588/2011) was being processed, and their possible influence on the final draft of the Law, understood as public management policy of basic education in the Federal District. This research is in alignment with the Marxist tradition, employing as a method materialist dialectics and critical discourse analysis as an examination procedure of speeches by parliamentarians, trade unions and associations of teachers, principals, students and parents at three public hearings held by the local Assembly of the Federal District in 2011. These hearings had as a theme the democratic management of the Public School System of the Federal District. Results of this research highlighted lobbying practices of pressure groups, as well as insertion of demands within parliamentary amendments and consideration of corporate interests in the final draft of the Law nº 4.751/2012. In conclusion, there was evidence that pragmatism employed by social movements of educational employees contributed to the division of this working class when lobbyists acted competitively in promoting their special interests at the expense of the universal struggle in favor of collective emancipation.

No description available.

The meaning of a first impression is a thesis that aims to create a design for a hotel lobby, which can accommodate the needs of both the guests and the personnel in the best way possible. This study is based at the Scandic Park hotel in central Stockholm, were the lobby today appears to lack function. The desired effect of the design is to make the lobby area more enjoyable for the guest, and at the same time improve the flow of people through it. A detailed and thorough study of the lobby over different times and with different techniques suggests that the lobby is not a place where the guest wants to spend more time than necessary, it’s main function today appears to be as a transit hallway from the entrance of the hotel to the hotel rooms. The results of this study are used to create a design for an improved environment that not only welcomes the guest but that also shows them the identity that the Scandic Park’s management wishes to communicate. The creation and development of this design is also based on a study of relevant literature that includes, among others, theories of Spatial Design, Environmental Psychology, Servicescapes and Cognitive Psychology. The empirical data and the theories have helped me to create a design proposal that I believe conveys what Scandic Park stands for, while at the same time helping the guest to perceive and utilize an increased functionality in the lobby area. Hopefully this design will better accommodate the needs and wants that appear to be missing today, and at the same time promote the accessibility and the flow through the lobby.

The Lobby The Lobby är en marknadsplats, skapad av AMF Fastigheter med syfte att agera testplattform för den framtida detaljhandeln. Marknadsplatsen är en fysisk plattform där pop-up konceptet, upplevelsen och event används med helt ny innebörd för att attrahera kunder och varumärken att ställa ut på The Lobby. Syfte och forskningsfrågor Denna fallstudie om The Lobby syftar till att undersöka vilka primära faktorer som krävs för att skapa en marknadsplats där upplevelsen och pop-up konceptet är centralt samt kartlägga dess potentiella roll i framtiden. Med grund i detta syfte har två forskningsfrågor tagits fram: Vilka är de viktigaste faktorerna vid utformandet av en marknadsplats som The Lobby?  Vilken roll kan denna typ av marknadsplats komma att ha i framtiden? Metod Denna studie har baseras på en kvalitativ fallstudie av marknadsplatsen The Lobby. Forskningsansatsen är deduktiv med induktiva inslag. Det empiriska materialet består av åtta semistrukturerade intervjuer där respektive respondent har en direkt koppling till The Lobby. Förutom intervjuer har även två observationer genomförts. Teori Den teoretiska referensramen behandlar termerna köpcentrum, pop-up butik och kundupplevelse. I denna studie motsvarar köpcentrum en marknadsplats där flertalet aktörer möts på samma plats. Teorin kommer även redogöra för pop-up butikens innebörd samt dess fördelar. Slutligen behandlas kundupplevelsens roll inom detaljhandeln. Slutsatser Genom att ta hänsyn till marknadsplatsens varumärke, kontrakt för pop-up butikerna, teknologi, kundernas behov av socialisering och upplevelse kan marknadsplatsen optimeras och skapa återkommande kunder. Om en marknadsplats som The Lobby kommer ha en fortsatt central roll i framtiden återstår att se, däremot kan det konstateras är att pop-up butikens fördelar blir allt fler. / The Lobby The Lobby is a marketplace, created by AMF Fastigheter with the purpose of finding new alternatives for the future of the retail industry. The marketplace is a physical retail platform where the pop-up concept, experience based marketplace and events will be used to attract customers and brands to The Lobby. Purpose and research questions This case study about The Lobby aims to investigate the primary factors which are required to create an experience based marketplace where the pop-up concept is central. Furthermore what purpose this kind of marketplace will hold in the future. Based on the purpose, the following research questions were formed: What are the main factors while developing a marketplace like The Lobby?  What role can this type of marketplace have in the future? Method This study is based on a qualitative case study on The Lobby in Stockholm, Sweden. The study has a deductive approach, with some elements of inductive approach. The empirical data consist of eight semi structured interviews and two observations. All the respondents has a connection to The Lobby. Theory The theoretical references used for this study are shopping mall, pop-up store and experience based marketplace. The theory of shopping mall will be studied as a marketplace where stakeholders are cooperating in one place. The theory will also describe the pop-up stores pros and cons and also the role of the experience based marketplace in the retail industry. Conclusion If a marketplace like The Lobby, where customers, retailers and partners have the opportunity to try new things, will continue to play a central role in the future, remains to be seen. One thing that can be said, however, is that the advantages of the temporary store are increasing.