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La thèse examine les tentatives de professionnalisation et d’institutionnalisation du lobbying en Pologne et en République tchèque du début des années 1990 à 2016, en utilisant le cadre théorique de la sociologie des professions, de la sociologie de l’action publique et l’analyse interprétative des politiques publiques. Tout d’abord, sur la base d’une analyse statistique des trajectoires professionnelles de quatre-vingts lobbyistes consultants polonais et tchèques, elle présente leur typologie commune aux deux pays et montre comment sont liés les efforts de reconnaissance et d’amélioration de leur statut professionnel à leur poursuite de la légitimité politique. Ensuite, elle s’attache à montrer comment le lobbying a été construit comme un problème politique, analysant l’évolution de l’usage de ce terme dans la presse, les scandales politiques emblématiques liés au lobbying, ainsi que les débats parlementaires et débats d’experts. En analysant la mise sur agenda du lobbying comme problème, la thèse accorde une attention particulière au rôle des acteurs transnationaux dans ce processus. Enfin, les processus de régulation du lobbying sont analysés comme des arènes où la frontière symbolique entre les sphères publique et privée est négociée et redéfinie. / The dissertation examines attempts to professionalize and institutionalize lobbying in Poland and the Czech Republic from the beginning of the 1990s to 2016, using the theoretical framework of the sociology of professions, the sociology of public policy-making and interpretive policy analysis. First, on the basis of a statistical analysis of the professional paths of eighty Polish and Czech commercial lobbyists, it presents their common typology for both countries and shows how efforts to gain recognition and enhance their professional status, i.e. efforts to professionalize lobbying, are linked to their pursuit of political legitimacy. Then it analyses the construction of lobbying as a policy problem, analysing the evolution of its use in the press, emblematic political scandals related to lobbying, as well as debates in parliamentary and policy expert fora. It then explores the conditions under which lobbying in both countries was constructed as a problem and set on the agenda. In doing so, the dissertation pays particular attention to the role of transnational actors in this process. Finally, lobbying regulation processes are analysed as arenas where the symbolic boundary between the public and private spheres is negotiated and redefined. / Práce zkoumá pokusy o profesionalizaci a institucionalizaci lobbingu v Polsku a v České republice od začátku 90.-tých let 20. století do roku 2016, z hlediska sociologie profesí, sociologie tvorby veřejných politik a také jejich interpretativní analýzy. Nejdříve na základě analýzy profesních drah osmdesáti polských a českých lobbistů předkládá společnou typologii lobbistů konzultantů pro obě země a ukazuje, jak snahy o získání uznání a zlepšení profesního statusu, tedy snahy o profesionalizaci lobbingu, souvisejí se snahou o získání politické legitimity. Pak uchopuje lobbing jako specifický způsob politizace polické aktivity soukromých aktérů. Ukazuje, za jakých podmínek byl lobbing v obou zemích coby problém konstruován a nastolen na agendu, jakou roli v této politizaci sehrály mezinárodní organizace a externí aktéři, a konečně, jakým způsobem tyto pokusy o regulaci lobbingu participují na redefinici symbolické hranice mezi veřejnou a soukromou sférou.

Lobbying - Economic and Legal aspects Abstract The diploma thesis deals with lobbying and its economic and legal aspects. The aim of the thesis is to present lobbying from a broad perspective in the context of other regulations by using descriptive, comparative and analytical methods and to provide a comprehensive overview of the development of efforts to regulate lobbying in the Czech Republic. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of the last governmental regulatory initiative where I am testing a hypothesis of whether the underway regulation is systemically correct in light of examples in other countries. I also conducted two surveys aimed at finding out the attitudes of members of the law academia and members of the lower house of the Parliament of the Czech Republic to the regulation of lobbying in the Czech Republic. The data serve both to (i) illustrate the interpretation of lobbying across the work, (ii) but also because of the specific proposed variant of lobbying within the framework of the approved substantive intent of the lobbying law (the deadline for submitting a paragraph to the government is set to end 2018), and (iii) I believe that they can be useful even when finalizing the bill, or other later proposed measures under the de lege ferenda considerations on lobbying. The thesis is...

Les comportements des entreprises envers les organisations intergouvernementales (O.I.G.) sont peu étudiés. Nous proposons de comprendre en quoi les O.I.G. et leurs processus de décision sont un contexte particulier pour les entreprises et d'étudier quelles stratégies politiques les entreprises y mènent. La recherche est exploratoire et s'appuie sur cinq études de cas d'élaboration de normes par le Codex Alimentarius. Le modèle décisionnel de la poubelle et le concept d'organisations faiblement couplées permettent de voir les O.I.G. comme des lieux d'" indécision ponctuée de décisions". Les stratégies politiques menées vis-à-vis des O.I.G. combinent lobbying national et entrée dans la négociation internationale, nous les qualifions de " meta-lobbying " Une relation de " coopération nationale ", liée à la négociation internationale, peut s'établir entre l'administration et les entreprises. Des compléments aux travaux sur les ressources politiques des entreprises sont aussi apportés

Forskningen om lobbyism i Sverige har hittills i huvudsak fokuserat på riksdagen. I den här uppsatsen undersöks lobbyism på kommunal nivå utifrån ett mottagarperspektiv med fokus på beslutsfattare och deras erfarenheter av lobbyism. Syftet är att belysa hur beslutsfattare i svenska kommunfullmäktige uppfattar att lobbyism går till i sina egna kommuner. Studiens utgångspunkt utgörs av lobbyismens relation till demokrati och i den kvalitativt genomförda undersökningen används en analysram baserad på tre värden för demokratisk lobbyism, benämnda transparens, jämlikhet och etik. Empirin har samlats in genom intervjuer med åtta kommunala fullmäktigeledamöter. Resultaten visar att beslutsfattarna upplever att lobbyism inte alls förekommer i de egna kommunerna, eftersom de har en allmän bild av lobbyism som inte överensstämmer med hur de ser på de påverkansförsök som riktas mot dem i det politiska arbetet. Resultaten visar även att politikerna uppfattar beslutsprocesserna som öppna för insyn och lika tillgängliga för medborgarna. De uppfattar också att de olika intressenter som hör av sig i påverkanssyfte förser dem med sanningsenlig information. Samtidigt finner vi att den typ av påverkan som beslutsfattarna anser faktiskt förekommer i kommunen inte fullt ut når upp till teoretiska krav på transparens, jämlikhet och etik, eftersom en del intressenter till viss del verkar ha större möjlighet till inflytande. / The impact of lobbyist activities on political decision-making has been studied in Sweden mostly on a presumption that these matters take place on a national level. This paper examines lobbyist activities in the local political processes with a perspective from the recipients point-of-view, namely the decision-makers and their experiences from lobbyist influences. The purpose of the study is to illustrate how decision makers in swedish municipal councils perceive lobbying in their own municipalities. In order to investigate the possible implications of these affairs we have conducted a qualitative research, looking into the democratic aspects of lobbying. For this purpose, we have built a theoretical framework based on three core values of democratic lobbying: transparency, equality and ethics. The empirical data has been collected from interviews with eight members of municipal councils. Our main findings show that the decision-makers deny the occurence of lobbying activities in their own municipalities, as they have a general idea of lobbying that is inconsistent with the kind of attempted influence they actually face in their role as politicians. Further findings reveal that politicians perceive the decision-making process as transparent and as equally accessible to citizens. They also perceive that stakeholders provide them with truthful information. In contrast, we find that the kind of influence that decision-makers believe actually occur in the municipality does not fulfill the theoretical requirements for transparency, equality and ethics, as certain stakeholders to some extent seem to have a greater opportunity to influence.

Vad gör företag som vill påverka offentliga beslut? Denna doktorsavhandling handlar om detta. Vad företag gjorde har studerats i två beslutsprocesser där Europeiska Unionens direktiv tog form. Ett av direktiven var av stor betydelse för lastbilstillverkande företag. Det andra var viktigt för kraftproducerande företag.Att vara deltagare i EUs beslutsprocesser var på flera sätt krävande och svårt. Deltagandet avvek väsentligt från lobbylitteraturens ofta enkla och oproblematiserade uppfattningar om vad företag gör och bör göra. För att förstå vad beslutsprocesser innebar för dess deltagare var det viktigt att inte automatiskt se deltagare som aktörer. Identitet, preferenser, rationella insikter och handlingsutrymme var inte den enskilde deltagarens givna, välkända och samordnade tillhörigheter. Istället behövde dessa ”delar” av aktörskapet i möjligaste mån konstrueras. I boken behandlas sammantaget varför och hur deltagares beteenden i beslutsprocesser avvek från vår tids starka aktörsidé. Boken vänder sig dels till forskare med besluts- och organisationsintresse, dels till praktiker som vill lära mer om vad lobbying och andra påverkansformer innebär i praktiken. / Diss. Stockholm : Handelshögsk., 2004

Submitted by Nilton Facci (nfacci@gmail.com) on 2017-06-02T19:58:32Z No. of bitstreams: 1 VERSÃO FINAL TESE NILTON FACCI.pdf: 1777888 bytes, checksum: 388d12c8463d43a075c0bd125b81736b (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Maria Tereza Fernandes Conselmo (maria.conselmo@fgv.br) on 2017-06-05T23:22:31Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 VERSÃO FINAL TESE NILTON FACCI.pdf: 1777888 bytes, checksum: 388d12c8463d43a075c0bd125b81736b (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-06T18:07:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 VERSÃO FINAL TESE NILTON FACCI.pdf: 1777888 bytes, checksum: 388d12c8463d43a075c0bd125b81736b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-05-19 / The main purpose of this research was to understand aspects of political relations between industrial entrepreneurs in Paraná and the decisions of the Executive and Legislative branches of the State of Paraná, with emphasis on changes in the ICMS tax legislation. Previous studies point out that there are no studies of this size that address these political relations in national subunits, being one of the main contributions of this research. The research is based on studies that confirm the growth of the relevance of industrial entrepreneurs as political actors, mainly since the National Constituent Assembly. With the theoretical support of Political Pluralism, Polyarchy and Logic of Collective Action, the research uses, as a guide for the analysis, the draft laws listed in the Legislative Agenda of the Industry of the State of Paraná elaborated by Fiep, between the years 2005 to 2015. In the analysis it also considers other draft laws in the Legislative that are not in this Agenda. Based on the data obtained through questionnaires and interviews, this research presents, as main result, that the industrial entrepreneurs of Paraná can develop several actions so that they are, increasingly, relevant political actors as to the ability to influence, ethically and lawfully, changes in ICMS tax legislation. The research also highlighted that in other areas of activity, Fiep has achieved several successes, when verified its actions in the scope of the Logic of Collective Action and in the provision of non-selective services. Regarding analyzes of interest groups that put pressure on the state, it should be noted that these can not be limited by pragmatic and statistical indicators. They must also be supported by the understanding of the internal and external contexts of these groups, for it is in this systemic amplitude that these groups must be understood and analyzed. / O propósito principal desta pesquisa foi compreender aspectos sobre relações políticas entre empresários industriais paranaenses frente a decisões dos poderes Executivo e Legislativo do Estado do Paraná, com destaque para alterações na legislação tributária do ICMS. Estudos anteriores ressaltam que não constam pesquisas desse porte que abordam essas relações políticas em subunidades nacionais, sendo essa uma das principais contribuições desta pesquisa. A pesquisa parte da constatação de estudos que confirmam o crescimento da relevância de empresários industriais como atores políticos, principalmente a partir da Assembleia Nacional Constituinte. Com o apoio teórico do Pluralismo Político, da Poliarquia e da Lógica da Ação Coletiva, a pesquisa utiliza como direcionador para as análises os projetos de leis elencados na Agenda Legislativa da Indústria do Estado do Paraná elaborada pela Fiep, entre os anos de 2005 a 2015. Nas análises considera também outros projetos de leis no Legislativo que não estão nessa Agenda. Esta pesquisa, com base nos dados obtidos por meio de questionários e entrevistas, apresenta como resultado principal que os empresários industriais paranaenses podem desenvolver várias ações para que sejam, cada vez mais, relevantes atores políticos quanto a capacidade de influenciar, de forma ética e lícita, alterações na legislação tributária do ICMS. A pesquisa também ressaltou que, em outras áreas de atuação, a Fiep tem conseguido vários sucessos, quando verificadas suas ações no âmbito da Lógica da Ação Coletiva e no fornecimento de serviços nãoseletivos. Acerca das análises sobre grupos de interesses que exercem pressões junto ao Estado, é preciso destacar que essas não podem ser limitadas por indicadores pragmáticos e estatísticos. É preciso que elas também estejam apoiadas pela compreensão dos contextos interno e externo desses grupos, pois é nessa amplitude sistêmica que esses grupos devem ser compreendidos e analisados.

"Le pouvoir n'est rien, seule compte l'influence". Cette pensée du philosophe grec Hérodote constitue le points de départ et le fil conducteur de la présente recherche. Elle pose l'idée de l'influence qui fait partie intégrante du processus décisionnel. La décision politique contemporaine obéit à ce même principe, celui d'un pouvoir qui ne peut plus décider seul, sans concertation, sans choisir de subir la pression des lobbies de toute nature qui se constituent à l'occasion d'une décision (Giuliani, 1991). Le lobbying, en tant qu'activité d'influence, apparaît alors comme un phénomène indissociable de la décision publique. Pour déterminer l'État, il faut alors prendre en considération les « rapports de forces mouvants » (Culpepper et al., 2006) qui y existent. En France, lobbying et groupes d'intérêt connaissent un discrédit qui tend à ignorer le rôle qu'ils peuvent jouer dans les politiques publiques. Les Chambres de commerce et d'industrie font partie de ces groupes qui restent méconnus malgré leur mission de représentation de l'intérêt économique des entreprises. Il est alors intéressant de rendre compte de ce lobbying dans le contexte français à travers l'usage qu'en font les Chambres de commerce et d'industrie. La recherche représente un double intérêt : celui d'étudier un acteur de politique publique original et le répertoire d'action qu'il mobilise pour tenter d'influer sur la décision publique. Ainsi, si Robert Dahl s'interrogeait de savoir « qui gouverne » (1961), il nous apparaît important de nous demander aussi : « comment gouverner » et « avec qui gouverner » aujourd'hui ? Notre recherche vise alors à répondre à la problématique : dans quelle mesure un groupe d'intérêt peut-il concrètement agir sur le processus de politique publique ? Ainsi, pourrons-nous analyser ce que le groupe, notamment ses moyens d'action, enseignent sur le fonctionnement de l'action publique contemporaine, car comme l'avait affirmé Arthur Bentley dès 1908 dans son célèbre ouvrage The process of government : A study of social pressure : « Quand le groupe est expliqué, tout est expliqué ». / As Greek philosopher said: "Power is nothing, influence only countsé". This is the starting point and the thread of this research. It puts down the idea of influence, which is an integral part of the decision-making. The contemporary political decision obeys the same principle, that of a power who cannot decide alone, without consultation, without choosing to undergo the pressure of lobbies of all kinds that are formed in the occasion of a decision (Giuliani, 1991). The lobbying, as an activity of influence, appears then as an inseparable phenomenon of the public decision. In order to determine the State, it is therefore necessary to take into account the "unstable balance of power" (Culpepper et al., 2006) that exists there. In France, lobbying and interest groups are experiencing a discredit which tends to ignore the role that they can play in the public policies. The Chambers of commerce and industry are part of those groups that remain unknown despite their task of representing the economic interests of companies. It is therefore interesting to report this type of French lobbying through the use made from the Chambers of commerce and industry. Our research presents a double interest: to study an original actor of public policy and also the directory of action which he mobilizes in order to try to influence the public decision. So, if Robert Dahl questioned in 1961 about "who governs", it seems important nowadays to wonder about: "how to govern" and "with who"? Our research aims then to answer the following question: to what extent an interest group can concretely act on the public policy process and what does it teach us about the functioning of the contemporary public action? Thus, we can analyze what the group, and in particular its means of action, can teach us about the functioning of the contemporary public action, because as noted by Arthur Bentley, in 1908, in his famous book entitled The process of government: A study of social pressure: “When group is explained, everything is explained”.

The relationship between South Africa and the United States was, historically, quite mutually profitable. The South African government regarded the United States as an ally in the world and sought continued friendship with them. The United States was mildly critical of the South African system of apartheid, but they, however, viewed South Africa as an ally. During the 1980's the relationship between the two countries became strained as the anti-apartheid voices in the United States grew louder and louder. The movement sought to end the atrocities of apartheid and change American foreign policy toward South Africa. The strongest diplomatic means available to them was imposing economic sanctions on South Africa in an attempt to force political change in the country. The anti-apartheid movement lobbied extensively gaining support among the American pub1ic and eventually the U.S. Congress. The sanctions campaign culminated in the enactment of the Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act (CAAA) of 1986. Prior to the enactment of the CAAA the South African government and its allies launched their own campaign in an attempt to combat the imposition of sanctions. Lobbying played a key role in the process for those on both sides of the issue. For the anti- apartheid movement, lobbying was effective on the American public and the U.S Congress. For the South African government lobbying was effective on the conservative right wing and President Reagan and his administration.

D’origine anglo-saxonne, le lobbying, en tant que stratégie d’influence du décideur politique ou des politiques publiques est une pratique connue dans le monde entier. Le Burkina Faso, en Afrique de l’Ouest, ne fait pas exception à la règle. On observe en effet des organisations non gouvernementales (ONG) utiliser les techniques du lobbying pour promouvoir des causes nobles, à savoir la bonne gouvernance socio-politique, la lutte contre la corruption, l’accès gratuit des personnes vivant avec le VIH aux médicaments essentiels génériques et la promotion de l’hygiène/assainissement aux populations rurales défavorisées. Mais comment les actions de communication sont-elles mises en place ? Et comment peut-on les observer et les analyser du point de vue des Sciences de l’information et de la Communication, en général, et de la Communication des organisations, en particulier ? Notre méthode d’investigation est qualitative et inscrite dans une approche constructiviste. Un guide d’entretien semi-directif nous a aidé à interroger quatre groupes d’ONG, chaque groupe étant composé de quatre structures, soit 16 entretiens au total conduits. L’analyse thématique appliquée au contenu des entretiens, confrontée à d’autres sources d’information comme les articles de presse, nous confirme plusieurs choses. D’une part, il apparaît que les médias sont utilisés comme médiateurs entre Organisations de la société civile – auxquelles les ONG sont rattachées – et groupe des gouvernants. D’autre part, l’étude révèle que la maîtrise de l’information est capitale dans l’exercice de l’influence politique et que la mise en réseau (ou la construction de relations) avec des alliés joue en faveur des structures engagées dans les actions. Ensuite, il ressort le fait que le pouvoir en place, qui n’est pas totalement démocratique, est sensible à la fois aux stratégies de négociation et de confrontation avec les opérateurs de la société civile. Enfin, notre travail laisse voir que les événements focalisant l’attention publique sont des accélérateurs des processus de régulation sociale et politique. / Lobbying, which originates from an anglo-saxon culture, is nowadays widely known as influential efforts oriented towards policy makers and public policies. Burkina Faso, in West Africa, does not depart from this general rule. In effect, one can observe Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) using lobbying techniques to promote great causes including, for instance, good governance in the social-political area, the fight against corruption, the free access to antiretroviral drugs to people living with HIV/AIDS, the promotion of hygiene and sanitation services to disadvantaged rural populations. But how exactly are communications actions put in place? And how can one observe and analyze them from the standpoint of the “Sciences de l’Information et de la Communication” (Public Relations) in general, and the organizational communication, in particular? Our investigation method is qualitative based and constructivist. A semi-structured interview guide has helped collect data from 4 groups of NGOs, each composed of 4 entities, which makes a total of 16 people interviewed. The thematic analysis of the content of all interviews, faced with other sources of information including the media clippings, gave us confirmation of many things. First, we learnt that the media are being used as mediators between Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) – to which NGOs are attached – and the governing body. Secondly, it appears that the control of information is critical to exerting political influence and that networking (or coalition building) with allied people or organizations is also instrumental. Another finding shows that the regime in place, which is not totally democratic, (at the time the study was performed), is open to both negotiation and confrontation strategies with CSOs. Lastly, our study shows that “focusing events” on public opinion are accelerators of social and political regulation process.