There has been little research on the government relations function within the post-secondary education sector in Ontario. This study explores this topic by reviewing the literature and collecting data from key informants in the college, university and government sector, and those who can speak about the sector associations. The study describes how the leaders of colleges and universities in Ontario perceive and conduct government relations, both as individual institutions and as a sector, and analyzes trends and potential implications. The study utilizes a pluralist model of interest group behaviour and applied the hollow-core theory to the policy community and the findings provide compelling evidence that this theory is a useful theoretical framework for understanding the nature of this policy community. This study also provides valuable insight into the hollow-core theory of pluralism. The leadership of individual colleges and universities shares a similar understanding of government relations and engage a similar approach. Individual colleges and universities work independently to lobby for capital funding and work together through their respective associations to lobby for system-wide funding and reforms. Although the presidents of individual institutions continue to lead the government relations function, the trend in the post-secondary education sector in Ontario is to invest additional resources and time in these activities. This study is the first of its kind in Ontario and makes an important contribution to our understanding of the way leaders in the post-secondary education sector in Ontario perceive and conduct government relations. Implications of the findings are considered and recommendations are made for further research.

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Made available in DSpace on 2010-04-20T20:53:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 3 136543.pdf.jpg: 18690 bytes, checksum: 1f921037caf7eddb1b56cb39a3025d34 (MD5) 136543.pdf: 1265692 bytes, checksum: 3061e649f5c7c9226859799f7d80d964 (MD5) 136543.pdf.txt: 529825 bytes, checksum: 56dc3c73d944a8dcce0d5ebdb200a516 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-04-16T00:00:00Z / Civil society organizations and their roles are gaining importance in society and in academic researches. One of the roles that is standing out is the one of influencing public policies, also known as advocacy, public policy advocacy and lobbying, depending on the context and country of analysis. What does advocacy mean and how this phenomenon is systematized is the focus of this study that through literature review, in depth interviews and case studies, seeks to compare the performance of three civil society organizations: Independent Sector in the United States, the Group of Institutes, Foundations and Companies (GIFE) and the Brazilian Association of Non Governmental Organizations in Brazil. These organizations are characterized for being associations that represent other civil society organizations and that accomplish public policy advocacy as part of their strategy. This study analyses how this organizations advocate and the significance of this role through the scope of deliberative democracy that presumes the discussion and deliberation of citizens in the public sphere of matters of their interest, as for example, the elaboration, the put into practice and monitoring of public policies. / As organizações da sociedade civil e suas formas de atuação têm ganhado importância tanto na sociedade como nos estudos acadêmicos. Uma das suas formas de atuação que vem se destacando é o papel de influenciar políticas públicas, também conhecido por advocacy, advocacy em políticas públicas e lobbying, dependendo do contexto e país de análise. O significado de advocacy e como esse fenômeno se manifesta constituem o foco deste estudo exploratório que busca, por meio de revisão da literatura, de entrevistas em profundidade e estudos de casos, comparar a atuação de três organizações da sociedade civil: o Independent Sector nos Estados Unidos, o Grupo de Institutos, Fundações e Empresas (GIFE) e a Associação Brasileira de Organizações não Governamentais (ABONG) no Brasil. Essas organizações se caracterizam por ser associações que representam outras organizações da sociedade civil e fazem advocacy em políticas públicas como parte de sua estratégia. É analisado como ocorre esse advocacy e qual o papel dessa forma de atuação dentro de um contexto de democracia deliberativa que pressupõe a discussão, a deliberação por parte dos cidadãos na esfera pública, de assuntos de seu interesse, como a elaboração, a execução e o monitoramento de políticas públicas.

This thesis consists of three essays in the field of information economics. The first essay studies manipulation of information by partisan media. The recent increase in partisan media has generated interest in what drives media outlets to become more partisan. I develop a model to study the role of diffusion of information by word of mouth. In the model, a media outlet designs an information policy, which specifies the level of partisan slant in the outlet’s news reports. The news spread via a communication chain in a population of agents with heterogeneous preferences. The slant has an impact on whether the agents find the news credible and on their incentives to pass the news to others. The analysis elucidates how partisanship of media can be driven by political polarisation of the public and by the tendency of people to interact with people with similar political views. The second essay, co-authored by Jakub Redlicki, investigates falsification of scientific evidence by interest groups. We analyse a game between a biased sender (an interest group) and a decision maker (a policy maker) where the former can falsify scientific evidence at a cost. The sender observes scientific evidence and knows that it will also be observed by the decision maker unless he falsifies it. If he falsifies, then there is a chance that the decision maker observes the falsified evidence rather than the true scientific evidence. First, we investigate the decision maker’s incentives to privately acquire independent evidence, which not only provides additional information to her but can also strengthen or weaken the sender’s falsification effort. Second, we analyse the decision maker’s incentives to acquire information from the sender. The third essay analyses competition between interest groups for access to a policy maker. I study a model of lobbying in which two privately-informed experts (e.g., interest groups) with opposite goals compete for the opportunity to communicate with a policy maker. The main objective is to analyse the benefits which competition for access brings to the policy maker as opposed to hiring an expert in advance. I show that competition for access is advantageous in that it provides the policy maker with some information about the expert who did not gain access and gives the experts an incentive to invest in their communication skills. On the other hand, hiring an expert in advance allows the policy maker to use a monetary reward to incentivise the expert to invest more in his communication skills.

The shapes of political pressure and the lobby appear as important tools for the private interestmanagement in the contemporary democracies This article displays a plot of actions of lobby at the Peruvian parliament and the role of building networks at the political arena in which the collision with other interests is avoid Thus, the lobby appears to be effective on issues that are out of the agenda of the public-media debate, issues of high specialization, or those that are not of interest of the party blocs (but represent a huge volume of legislative initiatives) / Las formas de presión política y el lobby aparecen como herramientas importantes para la gestión de intereses privados en las democracias contemporáneas Este artículo muestra una parcela de las acciones del lobby en el parlamento peruano y la función de construcción de redes en una arena política en la que se evita la colisión con otros intereses Así, el lobby aparece con eficacia en los temas que están fuera de la agenda del debate público-mediático, temas de alta especialización, o aquellos que no revisten interés de las bancadas (pero que representan un enorme volumen de iniciativas legislativas) / As formas da pressão política e o lobby aparecem como ferramentas importantes para a gestão dos interesses privados nas democracias contemporâneas Este artigo mostra uma parcela de ações do lobby no parlamento peruano e a função da construção das redes num cenário político, na que evita a colisão com outros interesses Assim, o lobby aparece com eficácia nos temas que estão fora da agenda do debate público midiático, tópicos de maior especialização, ou aqueles que não têm interesse das bancadas (mas representam um volumem muito grande de iniciativas legislativas)

This diploma thesis looks at lobbying as one of the tools for shaping European legislation. Lobbyists are often perceived as carriers of valuable information that make it possible for decision-makers to get expert opinions and perspectives directly from the industry. Lobbyists can therefore make a significant contribution to policy making and to improving European legislation that meets the needs of stakeholders. The main objective of the thesis is to find out in what way and at what stages the interest groups participate and intervene in the EU decision-making process and identify the access points through which they can enter into the legislative process. For the sake of clarity, this research is applied to a particular case of lobbying in the field of animal testing of cosmetics, which has greatly influenced the legal regulation of the area.

The subject of this thesis is regulation of lobbying in the countries of the Visegrad Group (V4) -- specifically statutory regulation of lobbying. The work gives a comprehensive overview of the development of regulation of lobbying in V4 member states from the very beginning until now. Main aim is to answer questions related to lobbying such as: "is there a lobbying regulation in V4 members", "what is the quality of that regulation" and "is there any common signs shared across the national regulation of lobbying". To achieve the desired objective thesis uses descriptive, comparative and analytical methods. Thesis consists of two main logical units, which are divided into five chapters, an introduction and a conclusion. The first unit contains three introductory chapters. This section is devoted to the history of lobbying, the definition of lobbying and theoretical concepts of regulation of lobbying. The second unit is completely dedicated to the legal regulation of lobbying in the V4 countries. Part of this unit is also the final comparison and analysis of the legal regulation of lobbying in these countries and answers to questions mentioned in the introduction.

The diploma thesis aims to contribute to the clarification of the process of shaping new EU climate and energy policy and to describe European lobbying groups entering in the 2030 Climate and Energy Framework policy-making process. The thesis aims to assess influence and participation of selected lobbying groups in this policy-making process. The thesis is divided into three chapters. The first chapter is devoted to the theoretical aspects of energy policy, further it provides the definition of basic terms and description of the EU legislative process in terms of lobbying. The second chapter explains energy policy in the context of fight against climate change and defines this issue at international and European level. The last chapter of the thesis deals with the current policy-making process of the 2030 policy framework for climate and energy and specifically focuses on lobbying activities and the intensity of lobbying impact of selected political, governmental and social actors according to the classification of interest groups by Howlett and Ramesh.

Para la Obtención del grado académico de Licenciado en Ciencias Jurídicas / Una rápida lectura de cómo se manifiesta el Estado moderno en Chile, nos proporciona la conclusión de que se han incorporado diferentes agentes que colaboran con la función pública y que dichos agentes se encuentran interconectados. De esta diversidad y multiplicidad de vínculos se obtiene que la función pública tiene hoy más que nunca límites difusos con el sector privado. Ya quedó obsoleta una visión piramidal de la estructura del Estado, para dar paso a modernas teorías que visualizan más bien una red de influencia recíproca, donde operan entidades de diversos ámbitos, con diferentes intereses y tamaños, nacionales e internacionales. En un contexto de corrupción del Estado y específicamente en relación a la participación en el delito de Cohecho que pueda involucrar al sector público, se hace necesario encontrar una definición de función pública y de agentes de la Administración pública, que resulte aplicable a todos aquellos agentes del Estado y colaboradores que por su falta de probidad puedan afectar el correcto funcionamiento de la Administración, así como también identificar las figuras contractuales y plataformas donde actualmente es posible ver la forma como se está vinculando el Estado con los particulares, en qué modo el Estado chileno previene la corrupción y un análisis de la legislación que regula el cohecho y la penalización de las personas jurídicas dados los vínculos, relaciones y canales de comunicación que actualmente se dan entre la ciudadanía y la Administración 8 Pública. En el presente trabajo se precisa analizar la legislación que penaliza a las personas jurídicas por el delito de cohecho y encontrar contextos, regulaciones y procedimientos y luego tratar de llegar a áreas problemáticas, por ejemplo, en cuanto a la interacción de las personas jurídicas con el Estado o en cuanto a las circunstancias bajo las cuales la ciudadanía organizada puede desempeñar la función pública. Si se entiende que las personas jurídicas forman parte de la Administración Pública en un sentido puramente funcional, es decir, porque las actividades que realicen satisfacen las necesidades y servicios que un sector u organismo del Estado está llamado a otorgar a los ciudadanos, podemos incluir a una gran cantidad de agentes que en forma permanente o esporádica, pagados con fondos públicos o no y que además, no necesariamente se rigen directamente por la LOC de Bases de la Administración del Estado. La falta de probidad de agentes “funcionales” pero no “formales”, en algunos casos pudiera afectar la correcta prestación del servicio, pero no podría imputárseles necesariamente un incumplimiento a la Ley o pretender de ellos una responsabilidad mayor a la específica actividad comercial, laboral o incluso voluntaria que desempeña. Sin embargo, es una definición funcional de empleado público la que otorga el artículo 260 del Código Penal (CP), aplicable a todas las personas imputadas por delitos funcionarios del Título V del Libro II del CP, incluyendo el Cohecho. En su aplicación pueden darse un sin fin de situaciones donde se hace necesario 9 analizar los contratos que las personas jurídicas firman antes de desempeñar una función pública. Por otro lado, tampoco resultaría aplicable una definición meramente formalista de agente de la Administración Pública en el escenario actual, en el sentido de que solamente aquellas personas, jurídicas o naturales que forman parte de un escalafón funcionario dentro de la estructura de un organismo del Estado, nombradas con las formalidades y por la autoridad que señala la ley, ejercerían la función pública, ya que tampoco parece realista dadas las figuras actuales de participación del sector privado en la función pública como la tercerización, subcontratación, proyectos con fondos del Estado, concursos y licitaciones y otras ampliamente extendidas en el escenario actual. Por lo tanto, esta tesis analiza las reformas en el ámbito de la penalización de las personas jurídicas y pone acento en uno de los delitos por los cuales actualmente son sancionables las personas jurídicas en Chile, como es el Cohecho y cómo son sancionables las personas jurídicas que participen de dicho delito. Junto con esta problemática respecto a la real participación del sector privado como agentes de la función pública, existe otra, en relación a abordar el problema dogmático que debió enfrentar el legislador penal al hacer imputables por el delito de Cohecho y otros delitos a las personas jurídicas por virtud de la Ley 20.393. Hay ciertos temas que tienen relación con lo anterior, como por ejemplo, si las personas jurídicas deben o no resultar beneficiadas por la comisión del delito y 10 cómo deben cumplir con el deber de supervisión y administración como una de las condiciones de inimputabilidad. En el análisis son relevantes dos tratados internacionales anticorrupción ratificados por Chile. Resulta interesante reflexionar respecto al objetivo principal de dichos tratados, que es la lucha contra la corrupción, y cómo en Chile se ha modificado la legislación para dar cumplimiento a los tratados. Los tratados internacionales firmados y ratificados por Chile que buscan combatir la corrupción y que dieron al legislador chileno un mandato para que modifique las normas referidas al delito de Cohecho y a la imputabilidad de las personas jurídicas, son principalmente dos: la Convención Interamericana de Derechos Humanos contra la corrupción de 1996 y la Convención de Naciones Unidas contra la corrupción de 2003, cada uno de los cuales tiene su propia definición de función pública que coincide con la definición del CP chileno y señalan directrices y procedimientos que los países miembro deberían implementar para combatir la corrupción. Junto con la búsqueda de una coherencia legislativa para cumplir con el mandato de los tratados interacionales mencionados, en el ámbito de la Administración Pública en Chile desde hace años se presenta un esfuerzo por digitalizar los procedimientos y organismos estatales y también por transparentar la información pública. Dos importantes leyes que se relacionan con este esfuerzo son, por ejemplo, la Ley de Transparencia de 2008 y la nueva Ley del Lobby de 2014, que se analizarán también como anexos en esta tesis junto con la Ley 11 20.500 relacionada con la protección de la probidad y la participación ciudadana. También resultan importantes los actuales procesos de compra y licitaciones, así como el espacio que el particular sistema chileno da a los "proyectos con fondos del Estado”, lo que también pudiera tener importancia con la investigación del delito de Cohecho y con las personas jurídicas que participan de estos procesos. Por lo tanto, en el presente trabajo interesa el análisis del tipo Cohecho y legislación y reformas relacionadas con este delito, la reforma que hizo imputables a las personas jurídicas respecto de dicho delito, también el análisis del especial sistema de organización del Estado chileno, para lo cual me apoyaré en las páginas web oficiales de los diferentes organismos del Estado, además de la legislación y los tratados internacionales anticorrupción mencionados que han inspirado las reformas.

The leader of the climate change regime is the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) which hosts the international climate change negotiations at the annual Conference of Parties (COP). In addition to official parties which represent nations in the UNFCCC, businesses and environmental groups are also playing a role in the negotiations as observers, which are grouped together in constituencies. This research will look at the two largest and original constituencies, the Business NGOs (BINGOs) and the Environmental NGOs (ENGOs) which represent business and environmental groups respectively. Both constituencies have a focal point for their members with the UNFCCC Secretariat, which for BINGOs is the International Chamber of Commerce (ICC) and the Climate Action Network (CAN) for ENGOs. Specifically, this paper compares the ICC and CAN and finds similarities and differences between their functioning within the UNFCCC in regards to their ability to build coherent policies between their members and how transparent they are in their activities. It was predicted that businesses groups have a harder time working together and are less transparent than the environmental groups which the research indeed confirmed. A series of interviews with various actors in the climate negotiations...