Global ETD Search

301	Lobbying et patronage : une étude des modes de médiation des intérêts dans la mise en oeuvre de la loi 25 (2003) au Québec Thompson, Daniel 11 April 2018 (has links) La Loi 25, adoptée en 2003 par l'Assemblée nationale, confie à des agences régionales le mandat de développer des réseaux locaux de santé et de services sociaux structurés autour d'instances locales qui découlent de la fusion d'établissements de diverses missions. Certains groupes d'intérêt, réfractaires à la fusion, ont tenté d'influencer la mise en œuvre de la Loi. Ce mémoire étudie les modes de médiation des intérêts utilisés par ces groupes pour transmettre leurs préoccupations aux titulaires de charges publiques. Pour ce faire, nous avons analysé la mise en œuvre dans trois régions sociosanitaires au moyen de 32 entrevues semi-dirigées. Deux temps correspondant à des modes de médiation différents caractérisent la mise en œuvre de la Loi. Premièrement, le temps administratif est marqué par l'observation d'un lobbying direct souvent commandé par l'État. Le deuxième temps, nettement plus politique, se distingue par le recours au lobbying indirect et, dans au moins un cas, au patronage. JA 49.5 UL 2006 T469 Lobbying -- Québec (Province)
302	Barack Obama et les organisations de lutte pour les droits civiques : héritages, tensions, adaptations (2004-2010) / Barack Obama and civil rights organizations : heritage, tensions, adjustments (2004-2010) Onanga Ndjila, Blanchard 25 October 2013 (has links) La présente étude examine comment les organisations de lutte pour les droits civiques que sont la Rainbow Push Coalition, la NAACP et la National Urban League ont contribué à l’élection du 44e président des États-Unis, Barack Obama. Elle établit dans un premier temps comment la participation du Révérend Jesse Jackson aux élections de 1984 et 1988 a contribué à l’émergence du processus démocratique à l’origine de l’élection de Barack Obama, premier président américain issu de la communauté africaine américaine. Dans un second temps, elle met en évidence comment l’action transformative du mouvement des droits civiques ayant conduit à la promulgation du Voting Rights Act de 1965 par le président Lyndon B. Johnson, sous l’impulsion du Dr Martin Luther King, mais aussi de Roy Wilkins et Whitney Young contribua à l’élection de Barack Obama en 2008. En analysant la participation de Jesse Jackson aux élections présidentielles américaines, notre objectif est de montrer comment il est parvenu à faire changer les règles de nomination des candidats issus des minorités au sein du parti démocrate. Elle a permis de montrer comment Obama en fut le bénéficiaire en devenant d’abord le nominé du parti démocrate, puis le président des États-Unis. D’où notre analyse du processus électoral de 2008. L’étude fait ainsi un tour d’horizon des désaccords qui ont surgi lors de l’élection présidentielle de 2008, entre Hillary Clinton et Barack Obama d’une part, puis entre ce dernier et John McCain d’autre part. Elle examine, par ailleurs, dans une perspective sociologique, les conflits qui se sont succédés au sein de la communauté africaine américaine, notamment entre certains dirigeants africains américains et Obama avant et pendant l’élection présidentielle de 2008, relatifs aux valeurs familiales, à l’incident racial des “Six de Jena” ou encore à la participation de Barack Obama à l’élection présidentielle. La question relative à la notion d’une Amérique post-raciale qui se présenta suite à l’élection d’Obama sera également abordée. Elle démontre comment son élection n’a malheureusement pas pu changer les mentalités des Américains au sujet de la question raciale de manière radicale et combien le racisme demeure une question fondamentale, majeure aux États-Unis au 21e siècle. Enfin, l’étude examine la collaboration post-électorale entre les organisations de lutte pour les droits civiques et l’administration Obama. / This dissertation discusses how Black Civil Rights Organizations such as the NAACP, the National Urban League and the Rainbow Push Coalition paved the way for the election of the 44th US President, Barack Obama. It specifically establishes a direct link connecting the 1965 Voting Rights Act victory won under the leadership of Dr Martin Luther King, Roy Wilkins, and Whitney Young along with the Reverend Jesse Jackson’s 1984 and 1988 presidential bids, showing from a historical approach how the Civil Rights Movement contributed to the election of the first African-American US President. By examining Reverend Jesse Jackson’s two presidential bids, this dissertation aims at demonstrating how he made it easier and more accessible for Barack Obama to become the Democratic Party nominee ultimately elected to the US Presidency. The dissertation further examines the electoral process through which Obama ascended to the Land’s Highest Office. In that regard, it revisits crucial hostilities that occurred during the 2008 presidential election within the Democratic Party between Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama. By the same token, it looks back on upheavals that broke out between Obama and Senator John McCain during the general election. The dissertation discusses from a sociological viewpoint disputes over leadership within the black community among African-American leaders and Barack Obama prior to, and during the 2008 presidential election. These clashes were notably related to family values, Obama’s 2008 presidential bid, and the Jena Six racial incident. This dissertation, further, addresses issues of America being a post-racial nation pointing out how the election of the first African-American President failed in fundamentally shifting Americans’ view on race relations and how racism is still a relevant issue in twenty-first century America while examining from another standpoint the relationship between the Obama Administration and the aforementioned Black Civil Rights Organizations Africains Américains Amérique noire Amérique blanche Blancs Barack Obama Naacp Rainbow Push Coalition National Urban League Mouvement des droits civiques Démocrates Républicains Idéologie progressite Idéologie intégrationniste Conservatisme Elections primaires Elections présidentielles Race Racisme Relations raciales Modes d'interaction Stratégies politiques Lobbying Noirs Conservateurs Progressistes Politique Parti politique Présidence américaine African -Americans Black America White America Whites Barack Obama Black Organizations Naacp Rainbow Push Coalition National Urban League Civil Rights Movement Democrats Republicans Political ideology Election Liberals Primaries Presidential elections Race Racism Race relation Party Political strategies Lobbying Black Conservatves US Presidency Politics
303	Pharmaffiliation : a model of intra-elite communication in pharmaceutical regulation de Andrade, Marisa January 2011 (has links) In 2005, the House of Commons (HoC) Health Committee produced a report on The Influence of the Pharmaceutical Industry – the first of its kind since 1914. The inquiry concluded that there were ‘over-riding concerns about the volume, extent and intensity of the industry’s influence, not only on clinical medicine and research but also on patients, regulators, the media, civil servants and politicians’, and stressed the need ‘to examine critically the industry’s impact on health to guard against excessive and damaging dependencies’ (HoC 2005, p. 97). It also noted that it is important to comprehensively analyse pharmaceutical regulation in order to ascertain whether there are systemic problems: In some circumstances, one particular item of influence may be of relatively little importance. Only when it is viewed as part of a larger package of influences is the true effect of the company’s activity recognised and the potential for distortion seen. The possibility that certain components of any such campaign are covert and their source undeclared is particularly worrying. (HoC 2005, p. 97) This study addresses this recommendation and was primarily conducted to examine whether recognised concerns are merely ad hoc or as a result of systemic flaws in the current system of pharmaceutical regulation. The work addresses a gap in the academic literature by drawing on the fragmented criticisms of the pharmaceutical industry in order to produce a model to illustrate how various stakeholders collaborate with drug companies to promote licensed products, and to explore the nature of the relationships between these elite stakeholders. The thesis begins with a literature review which determines who is involved in pharmaceutical regulation; how the regulatory system works; and explores the key role of communication in this process (Chapters 1 to 3). The recurrent theme is the neglect or exclusion of the patient/consumer, which leads to the development a model of intra-elite communication in drug regulation called Pharmaffiliation (Chapter 3). The thesis then looks for evidence to support or refute this model, using multiple methods (Chapter 4). Four case studies (with specific selection criteria) are chosen to test the model’s constructs and indicators (Chapters 5 to 8). The research uncovers systemic problems in the current system of pharmaceutical regulation which can ultimately harm the patient/consumer, and the implications of these findings are discussed (Chapter 9). Solutions on a micro-level include consumer involvement in decision making processes, which can be enhanced through public education and awareness campaigns and the instigation of public inquiries whenever drugs are withdrawn from the market (HoC 2005, p. 105). On a macro-level, however, this will involve critically exploring neoliberal capitalism and the empowerment of the citizenry (Street 2001). 344.04
304	Vliv zahraničních soukromých aktérů na politické rozhodování v ČR: případ japonských a německých ekonomických aktérů / Influence of foreign private actors on political decision-making in the Czech Republic: case study of Japanese and German economic actors Barták, Petr January 2019 (has links) Influence of non-state transnational actors on decision-making of sovereign states is one of the most important topics in the international relations discipline. Some academic approaches consider this influence as quite important. Others perceive it as only secondary. Economic actors are a specific case because they on one hand bring know-how, employment and economic growth. On the other hand, they decrease sovereignty of the host states. This thesis tries to uncover influence of the two strongest non-state transnational economic actors in the Czech Republic - German and Japanese Chambers of Commerce. The topic of lobbying of these actors in the case of lack of labor force in the Czech Republic was chosen because of its good empirics. The text also aims to test assumptions according to which bargaining power of such actors is influenced by geographical distance between the host state and home country of the transnational actor. This thesis also wants to address the general topic of influence of the transnational actors on states in the international relations, based on the findings of this case study.
305	GR-технологии как инструмент развития системы дополнительного образования детей на территории г. Екатеринбурга : магистерская диссертация / GR-technologies as a tool for development of the system of supplementary education of children in Yekaterinburg Черноскутова, М. В., Chernoskutova, M. V. January 2016 (has links) Modern Russian science notes the systematic crisis in the sphere of supplementary children education. GR-technologies are gaining importance in this context as a way to achieve optimum results further education sector development through public investment, taking into account the interests of the business. Author of this dissertation present the results of sociological research of the supplementary child education system in Yekaterinburg. The research is described the effectiveness of GR-technologies in the sphere of providing supplementary education for children. The study was conducted by the method of expert survey. Author surveyed entrepreneurs, public servants, leaders of children organizations of supplementary education in Yekaterinburg. Hypothesis-ground of research supports the following goal: on the one hand that only one third of experts familiar and implements in its activities the GR-technologies and on the other hand improving the quality of the application GR-technologies used by public organizations and business provides high levels of creating favorable conditions for the development system of supplementary children education. / Современная наука и государственный аппарат России фиксируют системный и содержательный кризис сферы дополнительного образования детей. GR-технологии приобретают важное значение как способ достижения оптимальных результатов развития сферы дополнительного образования через государственные инвестиции с учетом интересов бизнеса. Автором магистерской диссертации проведено эмпирическое исследование, в результате которого описана эффективность применения GR-технологий в сфере дополнительного образования детей. Исследование проведено методом экспертного опроса руководителей организаций дополнительного образования детей, бизнеса и властных структур г. Екатеринбурга. Гипотезой-основанием исследования выступает следующее утверждение: с одной стороны опрос экспертов показал, что только треть из них знакома и реализует в своей деятельности GR-технологии, а с другой стороны - именно повышение качества применения GR-технологий в системе дополнительного образования детей обуславливает высокий уровень создания благоприятных условий для развития дополнительного образования детей. MASTER'S THESIS GR-TECHNOLOGIES SUPPLEMENTARY EDUCATION OF CHILDREN EDUCATION GOVERNMENT MEDIA RELATIONS PUBLIC-PRIVATE PARTNERSHIP THE EXPERT COMMUNITY LOBBYING BUSINESS EXPERT SURVEY GR-ТЕХНОЛОГИИ ОБРАЗОВАНИЕ МЕДИА-РИЛЕЙШНЗ ЛОББИЗМ БИЗНЕС ЭКСПЕРТНЫЙ ОПРОС
306	Barack Obama et les organisations de lutte pour les droits civiques : héritages, tensions, adaptations (2004-2010) Onanga Ndjila, Blanchard 25 October 2013 (has links) (PDF) La présente étude examine comment les organisations de lutte pour les droits civiques que sont la Rainbow Push Coalition, la NAACP et la National Urban League ont contribué à l'élection du 44e président des États-Unis, Barack Obama. Elle établit dans un premier temps comment la participation du Révérend Jesse Jackson aux élections de 1984 et 1988 a contribué à l'émergence du processus démocratique à l'origine de l'élection de Barack Obama, premier président américain issu de la communauté africaine américaine. Dans un second temps, elle met en évidence comment l'action transformative du mouvement des droits civiques ayant conduit à la promulgation du Voting Rights Act de 1965 par le président Lyndon B. Johnson, sous l'impulsion du Dr Martin Luther King, mais aussi de Roy Wilkins et Whitney Young contribua à l'élection de Barack Obama en 2008. En analysant la participation de Jesse Jackson aux élections présidentielles américaines, notre objectif est de montrer comment il est parvenu à faire changer les règles de nomination des candidats issus des minorités au sein du parti démocrate. Elle a permis de montrer comment Obama en fut le bénéficiaire en devenant d'abord le nominé du parti démocrate, puis le président des États-Unis. D'où notre analyse du processus électoral de 2008. L'étude fait ainsi un tour d'horizon des désaccords qui ont surgi lors de l'élection présidentielle de 2008, entre Hillary Clinton et Barack Obama d'une part, puis entre ce dernier et John McCain d'autre part. Elle examine, par ailleurs, dans une perspective sociologique, les conflits qui se sont succédés au sein de la communauté africaine américaine, notamment entre certains dirigeants africains américains et Obama avant et pendant l'élection présidentielle de 2008, relatifs aux valeurs familiales, à l'incident racial des "Six de Jena" ou encore à la participation de Barack Obama à l'élection présidentielle. La question relative à la notion d'une Amérique post-raciale qui se présenta suite à l'élection d'Obama sera également abordée. Elle démontre comment son élection n'a malheureusement pas pu changer les mentalités des Américains au sujet de la question raciale de manière radicale et combien le racisme demeure une question fondamentale, majeure aux États-Unis au 21e siècle. Enfin, l'étude examine la collaboration post-électorale entre les organisations de lutte pour les droits civiques et l'administration Obama. Africains Américains Amérique noire Amérique blanche Blancs Barack Obama Naacp Rainbow Push Coalition National Urban League Mouvement des droits civiques Démocrates Républicains Idéologie progressite Idéologie intégrationniste Conservatisme Elections primaires Elections présidentielles Race Racisme Relations raciales Modes d'interaction Stratégies politiques Lobbying Noirs Conservateurs Progressistes Politique Parti politique Présidence américaine
307	Investigating media’s change of attitude towards lobbyism in Sweden : A quantitative content analysis study between the years 1970-2014 and based on theories from the disciplines of politicalscience and sociology Sirafi, Ziad January 2018 (has links) The purpose of this study is to examine why the media has a more negative attitude towards lobbyism in 2014 compared to earlier years since the 1970s in Sweden. This study examines first if a change of attitude has occurred between the given years and whether the attitude is more positive, negative or neutral towards lobbyism in recent years compared to earlier years and lastly if the media are comparing different contexts in which lobbying takes place. The method of this study is based on quantitative content analysis, and on Kanol’s ideas that by implementing theories from different disciplines one can develop theories on comparative lobbying in order to increase and improve our knowledge on the phenomenon of lobbyism as the contemporary research on the subject are scars and underdeveloped. The material in this study are news articles that have been collected between 1970 to 2000 and every second year from 2000 up until 2014. This study also provides a comprehensive picture of the Swedish context in which lobbying takes place by gathering information from multiple sources and earlier studies as this information has as of yet not been gathered in a single study up until now. The conclusion is that there has been a change of attitude towards lobbyism in Sweden, however, the dominant attitude is not a negative but rather a more skeptical/cynical one which has increased since 1992. The term lobbying is controversial because it’s being mentioned in various topics that could be considered negative by the reader as the decision making whether the news article is negative or positive is subjective. Because the media has increased its negative news reporting overall and that the unconscious mind of the reader is also attracted to negative news reporting, the term lobbying can be considered “negative” overall as it is constantly being mentioned in negative contexts even when the article is not about lobbying. A reasonable explanation why the media has a more negative / skeptical attitude to lobbyism is because of previous scandals related to lobbying either in Sweden or outside the country's border, but also because the media can’t hold the elected officials responsible for their actions as transparency and accountability is absent. Because of the increased reporting in Sweden on lobbying from all over the world, the subject will most likely become more relevant on the Swedish political agenda. Lobbying lobby lobbning lobbyism media’s change of attitude Swedish context of lobbyism democracy interest group theory elite theory infotainment news evaluation news selection pluralism corporatism political system the mass media Robart A dahl David Truman Karl Marx Friedrich Engels Robert Michels and C. Wright Mill Kanol David Lowery Marc Trussler Stuart Soroka Herbert P. Kitschelt Globalisation Studies Globaliseringsstudier Public Administration Studies Studier av offentlig förvaltning
308	Representational roles of nonprofit organizations in policy advocacy Yoshioka, Takayuki 29 January 2014 (has links) Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / This research explores what roles nonprofits play in political representation by applying the concept of the representational role to nonprofits. The representational role consists of representational focus and style. Representational focus shows those whom nonprofits aim to serve: members, constituents, or the general public. Representational style denotes the ways nonprofits advocate for their focal groups: the delegation, trusteeship, and educational styles. The survey and regression analysis results demonstrate that nonprofits serving their members are most likely to convey their members’ voices directly to policy makers: the delegation style. In contrast, nonprofits advocating for their constituents are likely to pursue what they independently identify as the interests of their constituents: the trusteeship style. Finally, nonprofits speaking for the general public are most likely to work toward educating the general public: the educational style. These results suggest that nonprofits play different roles in political representation, depending on the types of their focal groups. Nonprofit Representation Advocacy Delegation Trusteeship Education Lobbying -- United States -- Evaluation Pressure groups -- Research
309	Leaving the bridge, passing the shelters : understanding homeless activism through the utilization of spaces within the Central Public Library and the IUPUI Library in Indianapolis Karim January 2014 (has links) Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / By definition, homelessness refers to general understanding of people without a home or a roof over their heads. As consequences of a number of factors, homelessness has become a serious problem especially in cities throughout the United States. Homeless people are usually most visible on the streets and in settings like shelters due to the fact that their presences and activities in public spaces are considered illegal or at least “unwanted” by city officials and by members of the public. In response to this issue, activists throughout the country have worked tiresly on behalf of homeless people to demand policy changes, an effort that resulted in the passage of the homeless bill of rights in three states, namely Connecticut, Rhode Island, and Illinois. As I discovered through my fieldwork, in Indiana, the homeless, themselves, are currently lobbying for passage of a similar measure. Locating my fieldwork on homelessness in Indianapolis in two sites, the Indianapolis Marion County Public Library (the Central Library) and the IUPUI Library, I examine the use of library buildings as alternative temporary shelters and spaces where the homeless can organize for political change. As an Indonesian ethnographer, I utilized an ethnographic approach, which helped me to reveal “Western values” and “American culture” as they play out in the context of homelessness. In this thesis, I show that there is a multi-sited configuration made up of issues, agents, institutions, and policy processes that converge in the context of the use of library buildings by the homeless. Finally, I conclude that public libraries and university libraries as well can play a more important role beyond their original functions by undertaking tangible actions, efforts, engagements, and interventions to act as allies to the homeless, who are among their most steadfast constituencies. By utilizing public university library facilities, the homeless are also finding their voices to call for justice, for better treatment, and for policies that can help ameliorate the hardship and disadvantages of homelessness. Homelessness -- United States Social values -- United States Political culture -- United States
310	The Association of Libarians in colleges of advanced education and the committee of Australian university librarians: The evolution of two higher education library groups, 1958-1997 Oakshott, Stephen Craig, School of Information, Library & Archives Studies, UNSW January 1998 (has links) This thesis examines the history of Commonwealth Government higher education policy in Australia between 1958 and 1997 and its impact on the development of two groups of academic librarians: the Association of Librarians in Colleges in Advanced Education (ALCAE) and the Committee of Australian University Librarians (CAUL). Although university librarians had met occasionally since the late 1920s, it was only in 1965 that a more formal organisation, known as CAUL, was established to facilitate the exchange of ideas and information. ALCAE was set up in 1969 and played an important role helping develop a special concept of library service peculiar to the newly formed College of Advanced Education (CAE) sector. As well as examining the impact of Commonwealth Government higher education policy on ALCAE and CAUL, the thesis also explores the influence of other factors on these two groups, including the range of personalities that comprised them, and their relationship with their parent institutions and with other professional groups and organisations. The study focuses on how higher education policy and these other external and internal factors shaped the functions, aspirations, and internal dynamics of these two groups and how this resulted in each group evolving differently. The author argues that, because of the greater attention given to the special educational role of libraries in the CAE curriculum, the group of college librarians had the opportunity to participate in, and have some influence on, Commonwealth Government statutory bodies responsible for the coordination of policy and the distribution of funding for the CAE sector. The link between ALCAE and formal policy-making processes resulted in a more dynamic group than CAUL, with the university librarians being discouraged by their Vice-Chancellors from having contact with university funding bodies because of the desire of the universities to maintain a greater level of control over their affairs and resist interference from government. The circumstances of each group underwent a reversal over time as ALCAE's effectiveness began to diminish as a result of changes to the CAE sector and as member interest was transferred to other groups and organisations. Conversely, CAUL gradually became a more active group during the 1980s and early 1990s as a result of changes to higher education, the efforts of some university librarians, and changes in membership. This study is based principally on primary source material, with the story of ALCAE and CAUL being told through the use of a combination of original documentation (including minutes of meetings and correspondence) and interviews with members of each group and other key figures. CAUL ALCAE Higher Education Australia Libraries University Universities Colleges of Advanced Education CAE History Cooperation Interest Groups Lobbying Lobby Groups Federal Government Commonwealth Government Funding Australian Vice-Chancellors' Committee AVCC AACOBS Library Association of Australia LAA ALIA CAVAL CLANN ACDP Australian Bibliographical Network ABN ALIC ACAE Australian Universities Commission AUC CACAE ACAE CTEC Tertiary Education Commission TEC DEET NSWAEC UNISON Victor CRITTENDEN Paul McNALLY Andrew OSBORN Dorothy PEAKE Jack WARD Dietrich BORCHARDT Harrison BRYAN Ted FLOWERS Allan HORTON Neil RADFORD Denis RICHARDSON Colin STEELE Eric WAINWRIGHT Frank HAMBLY Geoff ALLEN Christopher AWCOCK Judith EDWARDS John CUMMINGS Katherine CUMMINGS Axel LODEWYCKS Derek FIELDING Leonard JOLLEY Brian SOUTHWELL John SHIPP James O'BRIEN Jessie HARLEY Bill HITCHINS Lois JENNINGS John YOCKLUNN

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