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Thesis advisor: Peter Skerry / The United States military imposes restrictions on individual rights virtually nonexistent in the rest of American society. The theoretical perspectives of Huntington and Janowitz provide fruitful ground for understanding the basis of authority for the military to enforce these controls. Each perspective examines the relationship between civilian control over the military and the impact on military effectiveness. These opposing viewpoints offer an analytical framework to evaluate restrictions on service members’ freedom of speech and freedom of religion. This analysis will demonstrate the tendency for the military to adhere to more of the Janowitzian principles since the end of the Cold War by integrating features of civil society. This transition away from the Huntington-dominated military institution is due to an increasingly complex and dangerous international environment and the end of conscription. However, the military is still a distinct society from the larger community. Therefore, the military should adopt more inclusive measures but only to the extent that they do not negatively impact military effectiveness. Finally, when service members undergo an indoctrination period, known as initial entry training, their understanding of rights begins to transition from the American civilian conception to the military conception. As a result, service members tend to be more accepting of rights restrictions because of a belief in the common good and the sense of a higher purpose. / Thesis (MA) — Boston College, 2022. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Political Science.

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While democracy is the least likely outcome of any given democratic transition from authoritarianism, this dissertation argues that the likelihood for democratization diminishes even further in a praetorian state. This is because the military continues to play a decisive role in the transition either directly or indirectly. If the transitions appears bound to bring about civilian control, the military will decide to rule overtly. At a broad conceptual level, this project adds to the existing literature on democratic breakdown that has been comparatively overlooked in relation to transitions and consolidation. The research also expands on the civil-military literature, and aims to explore the role praetorian militaries play during political transitions and processes of democratic consolidation. In particular, it seeks to explain the conditions under which a guardian or a moderator praetorian army would opt to become a ruling praetorian army, and, therefore, preclude the possibility of democratic consolidation. Indeed, this work aims to identify the factors responsible for the undoing of Egypt’s electoral advances, and whether or not that outcome was inevitable. The general assertion here is that the imbalance of power within the state, caused by the army’s oversized political role, and within society, caused by the Brotherhood’s relative organizational prowess, meant a confrontation between the two was virtually unavoidable. Fearing the prospect of subjective civilian control imposed by a potentially hegemonic party, a praetorian military is bound to check that party’s rise by waging a coup d’état in order to maintain the army’s institutional autonomy, economic privileges and right to rule. The rest of the political class aids this process by playing the role of the disloyal opposition paving the way for the officers to remove civilian officials, and carry out a restorative coup. While praetorian armies prefer to delegate the burden of governing to pliable civilians, the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces’ (SCAF) failure to orchestrate a political transition into a tutelary democracy drove the army to shift its posture into ruling praetorianism. Contrary to their wishes and interests, the political transition engendered an intolerable situation for the army: the emergence, in the Muslim Brotherhood, of a potentially hegemonic party that repeatedly attempted (and failed) to subject the military to civilian control. / 2028-02-29T00:00:00Z

The events of 9-11 caused the US military to deploy across the globe in support of the Global War on Terror (GWoT) with the assurance it would receive the resources needed to fulfill those operations. As a subordinate arm of the government, the US military is entrusted to prosecute the policies of its civilian leadership provided they receive the required resources to do so. As this thesis demonstrates however, the military is struggling to reconcile how to deliver the goals of its civilian administration when it simultaneously fails to receive the resources needed to meet their demands. The Department of Defense (DoD) is experiencing a stark increase in its deployments and combat operations. Unprecedented 'peacetime' use of Reserve and Guard forces and remarkable DoD personnel policies have stretched the military thin. Despite substantial military budget increases, the military fails to receive adequate funding for combat operations. Meanwhile, soldiers fail to receive the appropriate equipment needed to fight the emerging threats of the GWoT. The military continues to thin many of its own operations, increase the stress on its members, and over-work its equipment in order to meet the needs of its civilian government. Three solutions exist: maintain the status quo, reduce the scope of the GWoT, or begin military funding on par with past wartime budgets. The status quo produced an overstretched/underfunded military. Threats to US security can not support a reduced GWoT. Therefore, the US should increase DoD end strength, increase GWoT funding, and accelerate weapons research and procurement. / Master of Arts

What shapes a state’s political order after a successful military coup? While the bulk of academic and public perspectives center on the power and preferences of the soldiers physically seizing power, this dissertation argues that civilians should be critical to our analyses of coup politics. Specifically, I use the concept of civilian praetorianism - the process in which civilians instigate or consolidate military coups - as my point of departure. First, I build on recent efforts to delineate military coup agents by rank and identity and present a similar logic to understand the powers and preferences of civilian coup collaborators. Civilian insiders - those tied to the incumbent regime - are well-positioned to coordinate and instigate military coups because of their available elite-based resources. While civilian outsiders - those outside the regime’s orbit - lack access to such resources, they can wield mass-based sources of power to consolidate military coups. Second, I argue that the primary type of civilian collaborator - insiders vs. outsiders - in a given coup shapes the post-coup political order along two critical dimensions: the degree to which an executive can monopolize political power, and whether the new regime seeks to redistribute powers and privileges within the state’s sociopolitical hierarchies. I rely on qualitative and quantitative tools to refine and test these propositions. First, I pair a Most-Similar-Systems Design (MSSD) and within-case process tracing to illustrate the varieties of civilian praetorianism on three coup episodes from post-colonial Sudan (1958; 1969; 1989). Using a wide array of qualitative material from participant testimonies to declassified material from the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and the British Foreign Office, I demonstrate that civilian agency plays a critical role in shaping their type of involvement in military coups. Next, I test the broader consequences of civilian involvement on a global sample. Specifically, I develop the first comprehensive dataset on civilian involvement in all successful military coups between 1950 and 2017 to examine the variation in personalization and policy preferences in post-coup states. By demonstrating the salience of civilian agency and involvement in coup politics, this project makes valuable contributions to the study of military coups political instability, and authoritarian politics.

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Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / This thesis provides a critical analysis of the development of the military staff officer education and training system in Ukraine. The chronological scope of research includes a period from January 1992 to December 1998. The research examines the status of officer training after the collapse of the Soviet Union and the reasons for the creation of a national higher military school in Ukraine. The research also covers the evolution of ideas and opinions on Ukraine's creation of its modern system of officer personnel training from 1992-1998. This thesis traces the process of the creation of the national system of the officer personnel training and its influence on the organization of the Armed Forces of Ukraine. It examines the roles of influential bodies of State power and military authorities in solving the conceptual questions of reforming the system of higher military education. The author describes and provides his own interpretation of the events, facts and phenomena related to the creation of the officer personnel training system and its influence on the creation of the Armed Forces of Ukraine. / Major, Ukrainian Army

by Chau Ho Wai. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1998. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 134-140). / Abstract also in Chinese. / ACKNOWLEDGMENTS --- p.iv / LIST OF TABLES --- p.v / ABBREVIATIONS --- p.vi / CHAPTER / Chapter ONE --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1 / Chapter 1.1 --- The Question: How the civil-military relations evolved during the post-Deng era? / Chapter 1.2 --- The Case of the 1996 Taiwan Straits Crisis / Chapter 1.3 --- Framework: Allison's Model of Decision-Making / Chapter 1.4 --- Data and Organization / Chapter TWO --- LITERATURE REVIEW --- p.11 / Chapter 2.1 --- Non-Communist Regimes / Chapter 2.2 --- Communist Regimes / Chapter 2.3 --- Post-Communist World / Chapter 2.4 --- Military Politics in China / Chapter THREE --- INSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT OF PLA: FROM DENG TO POST-DENG ERA --- p.34 / Chapter 3.1 --- PLA in the Deng Era / Chapter 3.2 --- PLA in the Post-Deng Era / Chapter 3.3 --- "Professionalization, Differentiation and Institutionalization" / Chapter FOUR --- ORGANIZATIONAL INTERESTS OF PLA IN THE TAIWAN STRAITS CRISIS --- p.64 / Chapter 4.1 --- The War Games and the Policy Handle / Chapter 4.2 --- Employing the Organizational Process Model / Chapter 4.3 --- Organizational Interests and Demands of the PLA / Chapter 4.4 --- Information Processing of the PLA / Chapter 4.5 --- Resource Acquisitions of the PLA / Chapter FIVE --- BRINGING THE PLA INTERESTS INTO GOVERNMENTAL POLITICS --- p.100 / Chapter 5.1 --- Employing the Governmental Politics Model / Chapter 5.2 --- Perspectives of Jiang Zemin and PLA on the Taiwan Question / Chapter 5.3 --- Political Pulls and Hauls in the Taiwan Straits Crisis / Chapter 5.4 --- Legitimacy and Leadership Succession / Chapter SIX --- CONCLUSION --- p.126 / Chapter 6.1 --- Summary of Findings / Chapter 6.2 --- Prospects of Future Research / BIBLIOGRAPHY --- p.134

The Military Intelligence Division (MID) was the U.S. Army's intelligence agency that reported to the Chief of Staff within the War Department. During the years 1917- 1927, the MID routinely conducted surveillance of Mexico, including: espionage, mail censorship, radio intercepts, intelligence gathering, and development of plans for the invasion of Mexico. This study utilizes a tripartite model to evaluate the production and analysis of military "intelligence" by the MID in Mexico during the period 1917-1927. First, the organization and development of the Military Intelligence Division from its origins in 1885 through the year 1927 is explored with sections on institutional history and objects of investigation. Second, a quantitative analysis of intelligence documents identifies the focus and priorities of the MID in Mexico. Third, a textual analysis of intelligence documents makes use of a cross-cultural framework to demonstrate the prevailing attitudes, perspectives and world views of the MID toward the Mexican state and its peoples. The thesis question as to whether the U.S. Military Intelligence Division created an accurate and complete picture of "reality" of Mexico is answered in the negative. The MID perspective was colored by cultural bias, ignorance, and misunderstanding. Ultimately, the MID failed to grasp the reality of Mexico because it failed to ask the right questions. It seriously misunderstood the nature of Mexico and its peoples, especially in its relationship with the United States .. The particular model developed for this study lends itself to the possibility of further research in the area of international history and cross-cultural studies. The use of multiple analysis techniques provides a more comprehensive picture of the various factors involved that influence historical events.