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  • About
  • The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers to find electronic theses and dissertations. This service is provided by the Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations.
    Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
1

Påsköns stenstatyer, moai : Vilket genus representerar de? / Easter Island stonestatues, moai : What gender do they represent?

Dahlstrand, Ivan January 2008 (has links)
<p>Abstract.</p><p>The question in this analysis is which gender moai, the big statues on Rapa Nui, represent. My hypothesis is that they have developed from visual symbols to metaphores in mythologies from an polynesian context. That these statues were symbols for human origin and creation of ancestors ideological power, and gods in consideration male gender. In the long isolation, in both time and space, the mytologies in Rapa Nui was changed, and the pictures got a new meaning. These changes depended on clearing of wood and big trees and the following difficult situation in farming. It led to difficult exposure to climatchanges and much more hard work in the cultivation. This happened in the same time as rapanuis life became more dependent on what the earth could producece because of bad fishing and a growing population. The cult of fertility get a more central place in rapanuis religious life. The male metaphore changes to female when the mother of earth, papa, became the most important spiritual force concerning food supply. I mean that moai follow the mythologies change, and developed in both form, size and contents. The theories behind this discussion is the analysis of Karen Armstrong, in how mythologhies change when human go from hunting- to cultivating society, and where she explain how the gender of gods changes from male to female. I also use theories from structuralism that say that human thinking and building mythologies follow an arcetypical pattern, for us to make our world understandable and organized. This analysis, and changed interpretation of moai from male to female representation, is a critical studie of traditional interpretation to “primitiv” art from aborigines and prehistorical humans. I mean the common interpretation of prehistorical pictures in Rapa Nui have a basic europeen code where an abstract male is standard. My theoretical support here is the analysis of Yvonne Hirdmans of gender from a historical perspective. The most important sources I have use in this work comes from archaeology, ethnology and art analythic work on Rapa Nui, with litterature from Jo Anne Van Tilburg, Georgia Lee and more scientist search from the island. I have also made field studies of my own. I hope this analys can contribute toward a critical view of a stereotypical european norm in interpretation of “primitive” and prehistorical art.</p>
2

Påsköns stenstatyer, moai : Vilket genus representerar de? / Easter Island stonestatues, moai : What gender do they represent?

Dahlstrand, Ivan January 2008 (has links)
Abstract. The question in this analysis is which gender moai, the big statues on Rapa Nui, represent. My hypothesis is that they have developed from visual symbols to metaphores in mythologies from an polynesian context. That these statues were symbols for human origin and creation of ancestors ideological power, and gods in consideration male gender. In the long isolation, in both time and space, the mytologies in Rapa Nui was changed, and the pictures got a new meaning. These changes depended on clearing of wood and big trees and the following difficult situation in farming. It led to difficult exposure to climatchanges and much more hard work in the cultivation. This happened in the same time as rapanuis life became more dependent on what the earth could producece because of bad fishing and a growing population. The cult of fertility get a more central place in rapanuis religious life. The male metaphore changes to female when the mother of earth, papa, became the most important spiritual force concerning food supply. I mean that moai follow the mythologies change, and developed in both form, size and contents. The theories behind this discussion is the analysis of Karen Armstrong, in how mythologhies change when human go from hunting- to cultivating society, and where she explain how the gender of gods changes from male to female. I also use theories from structuralism that say that human thinking and building mythologies follow an arcetypical pattern, for us to make our world understandable and organized. This analysis, and changed interpretation of moai from male to female representation, is a critical studie of traditional interpretation to “primitiv” art from aborigines and prehistorical humans. I mean the common interpretation of prehistorical pictures in Rapa Nui have a basic europeen code where an abstract male is standard. My theoretical support here is the analysis of Yvonne Hirdmans of gender from a historical perspective. The most important sources I have use in this work comes from archaeology, ethnology and art analythic work on Rapa Nui, with litterature from Jo Anne Van Tilburg, Georgia Lee and more scientist search from the island. I have also made field studies of my own. I hope this analys can contribute toward a critical view of a stereotypical european norm in interpretation of “primitive” and prehistorical art.
3

Road my body goes: re-creating ancestors from stone at the great moai quarry of Rano Raraku, Rapa Nui (Easter Island)

Richards, C., Croucher, Karina, Paoa, T., Parish, T., Tucki, E., Welham, K. January 2011 (has links)
No / Recognizable throughout the world, the stone statues (moai) of Rapa Nui (Easter Island) represent the largest monolithic architecture produced in Polynesia. The exquisitely carved and finished head and torso of each statue testifies to a skill in stone carving and dressing unmatched throughout the Pacific. Yet, approximately one thousand ‘classic’ statues were produced at the quarries within a few hundred years. What was the ritual status of the quarry and the labour necessary to produce the numbers of statues that allowed Heyerdahl to declare that the ‘whole mountain massif has been reshaped, the volcano has been greedily cut up’ (1958: 83)? What was it like to go to work at Rano Raraku? By drawing on a range of evidence we argue that walking to and labouring at Rano Raraku represented a spatial and temporal journey to a place of highly dangerous forces, a cosmogonic centre where prehistoric Rapa Nui people came face to face with their ancestors and the Polynesian gods.
4

Stratified Polynesia : A GIS-based study of prehistoric settlements in Samoa and Rapa Nui

Håkansson, Olof January 2017 (has links)
The overall objective of this study is, to understand how the prehistoric individual experienced her “being in the world”. This is done by examining the spatial relationships of prehistoric remains in order to understand hierarchies. The foundation of the thesis is constructed by using data from the prehistoric settlement of Letolo in Samoa (Independent State of Samoa) in West-Polynesia and Hanga Ho´onu on Rapa Nui (Easter Island) in East-Polynesia. These data are stored and analysed in a Geographical Information System (GIS). In the Samoan case the intention is to make previously unpublished surveys available. An aim is to develop a method to interpret social information from the spatial relations of built structures. It is questioned if it is possible to interpret the degree of hierarchy in a prehistoric society only from the spatial relations of features. It is concluded that such an inquiry needs to be paired with preunderstanding and analogies, such as ethnohistorical data, since it otherwise is problematic to ascribe meaning to different built structures. The thesis uses ethnohistory for preunderstanding and analogy. The thesis further examines the worldviews and structures that are shown in the repeated practice of groups in the two settlements. / Det övergripande syftet med föreliggande studie är att komma närmare den förhistoriska människans upplevelse av varat, att komma närmare hennes upplevelse av att finnas till i världen. Detta görs genom att undersöka fornlämningars spatiala relationer för att förstå  hierarkier. I uppsatsen redovisas två databaser och Geografiska Informationssystem som har konstruerats utifrån fornlämningsdata från förhistoriska bosättningar på Samoa i västpolynesien och Rapa Nui i östpolynesien. På Samoa är det Letolodalen på ön Savai´i som undersöks, och på Rapa Nui är det Hanga Ho´onu vid La Pérouse-bukten som undersöks. Uppsatsen ämnar tillgängliggöra opublicerade inventeringar av Letolo på Samoa. En intention är att utarbeta specifika kriterier för att utläsa social information från den spatiala utbredningen av fornlämningar. Arbetet ifrågasätter om det är möjligt att läsa ut graden av hierarki i ett förhistoriskt samhälle utifrån de spatiala relationerna mellan fornlämningar. Svaret är att det går om analogier och förförståelse används då det annars är problematiskt att tillskriva mening till fornlämningar. Eftersom Polynesien är väl dokumenterat utifrån ett etnohistoriskt perspektiv används analogier och förförståelse från dessa berättelser. I uppsatsen undersöks vidare mentala världar och strukturer som visar sig i gruppers upprepade praktiker i de två bosättningarna.

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